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A study of Tenrikyo: With special reference to the teaching of God and man

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A study of Tenrikyo: With special reference to the teaching of God and man

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Content 4 STUDY OF TENRIKYO WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO THE TEACHING OF GOD AND MAN A Thesis Presented to the Faculty of the School of Religion The University of Southern California In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Master of Arts by Toyoaki Uehara February 1955 UMI Number: EP65251 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissartatton Püb^llsMng UMI EP65251 Published by ProQuest LLC (2014). Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code ProQuest LLC. 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106- 1346 T h is thesis, w ritte n by TOYOAKI UEHARA .............. u n d e r the guidance o f h..lJS..Faculty C om m ittee, and a pp ro ve d by a ll its members, has been presented to and accepted by the F a c u lty o f the G raduate S cho ol in p a rtia l fu lfillm e n t o f the requirem ents f o r the degree of .........MA5TER...0E..ART8.......... APPROVED ean Harry J. Deuel, J«. Date January. 195-5.. Faculty Committee Chairman . 1 ^ . . TABLE OP CONTENTS CHAPTER PAGE INTRODUCTION ......... vii I. THE PROBLEM AND DEFINITIONS OF TERMS USED....................... 1 The problem ................ 1 Definitions of terms u s e d ............ 3 II. HISTORICAL BACKGROUND ..... ........ 5 The period of Feudalism......... 5 j The Fall of Bakufu and Foreign Impact . 8 ! The condition of religion 12 | The rise of folk beliefs 18 h I The rise of new religions . ......... 23 III. THE FOUNDRESS.......................... 30 Childhood............................ 31 Housewife ............... 34 Revelation............................ 40 Introduction of the teaching.......... 45 Persecution.......................... 4^ The coming of great expansion........ 55 IV. SCRIPTURES.............................. 62 Mikagurauta . . . . ................ 63 Ofudesaki............................ 80 CHAPTER PAGE Osashizu ...................... 34 Doroumikoki ................ 86 Tenrikyo Kyoten • ................ 88 V. TEACHING OP G O D ........ ............ 91 The traditional meanings of Kami • • « 92 Many interpretations of the term kami .............. 94 Possible origin of k a m i . 103 General meaning of kami •••..• 109 j Tenrikyo God concept ........ 112 Mo to no Kami ........... 113 Jitsu no Kami . . ... ... 113 Kami, Tsuki-Hi, and Gy a .......... 121 Ten manifestations of God * . . . . 125 Personal God 132 Relationship between God and the Foundress ............ 135 Siammary ......... 140 VI. ETHICAL TEACHING................. I4l Heavenly reason as the path of God- man relation .............. 141 The intentions of G o d .............. 144 Image of man in creation ....... 148 IV CHAPTER PAGE Ethical ^o-und in man . ............ l57 Position of Tenrikyo toward traditional social order ................ 171 Summary ......... 175 VII. PRACTICAL APPLICATION OF TEACHING .... 176 Kashimono-Karimono or loaned and borrowed........... 176 Yattsu no Hokori or eight kinds of dust •••.. l80 I Makoto Shinjitsu or sincerity and truthfulness........... I84 | Innen or causation I86 j Tanno or contentment 190 1 Hinokishin or daily service ...... 192 Yoboku or timber..................... 195 Kyokai or church...................... 200 Social work ..................... 202 VIII. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION................. 205 Development of the religion.......... 205 The God concept........... 207 The ethical viewpoint............. 210 Practical features ........ 212 CHAPTER PAGE Conclusion .................... 213 BIBLIOGRAPHY .................................... 216 APPENDICES..................................... 229 LIST OF TABLES TABLE PAGE I. Analysis of Usage of Terms . ......... 122 II. Comparison of the Usage of Vsirious Terms in Mikagurauta........... 147 III. Motives of Conversion to Tenrikyo .... 199 IV. Comparison of the Number of Religious Establishments, Preachers, and Adherents in Japan .............. 236 V. Comparison of Numbers of Religious Establishments, Preachers, and Adherents in Shinto.................. 237 VI. Comparison of Social Works of Various Religions in Japan.................... 243 VII. Comparison of Social Works Among the Shinto Denominations............. 244 VIII. Census of Churches, Preachers, and Confirmed Followers .................. 247 IX. Number of Churches, Preachers, and Confirmed Followers in 1951, by Localities ............ ... 248 INTRODUCTION Tenrikyo, vàiich was founded in the ninth year of Tempo ( 1 8 3 8), and has spread over Japanese and foreign soil as well, is considered as one of the most remarkable re ligious movements to appear in the past century. That Tenrikyo has spread throu^out Japan in such a short time is a singular event. According to Eckel, "Its growth and influence is the most formidable challenge the religious sects and denominations in Japan have ever had."^ At the beginning of its expansion from a small village, Tambaichi in Yamato,^ into the surrounding areas, many persecutions arose against this religion, just as many persecutions arose against Christianity in the early days. Thou^ Tenrikyo faced a heavy burden of persecution, the continuous growth of faith in the minds of its followers never faltered. On the contrary, the persecutions had the 1 Paul E. Eckel, "The History and Development of Tenrikyo," (unpublished Master’s thesis. The University of Southern California, Los Angeles, 1937), p. 1. ^ Tambaichi is located approximately six miles j south of Nara City. Yamato is the name then given to this 1 region. This name has its origin in the ancient name for | Japan. This region had been the center of Japan and the original Japanese culture was created in this area. Tambaichi has recently become Tenri City. - • -------------------vlr±— effect of revitalizing the religion and redoubling the faith of its followers. Throu^out the history of its development, the growth of Tenrikyo had the appearance of a fanatical socio religious movement aiming at a certain idealistic, final goal of the world. Tenrikyo has been combating the two extremes of ultra-socialism and of individualism and, by thus attempting the "happy medium" of spiritual and moral reform, is aiming toward a new, ideal social order. This effort persisted in for a period of almost one hundred years, is showing remarkable r e s u l t s . ’ Thus Tenrikyo became one of the most active and influential denominations among the many religions in Japan. Since the acceptance of Tenrikyo as one of the Sectarian Shintos^ by the Japanese government, it has gained a wide recognition and has played an important role 3 Tenrikyo Board of Overseas Missions, Tenrikyo, Foreword. 4 Although it has been regarded as a Sectarian Shinto, in a real sense it is not a Shinto. It was more or less forced to belong to Shinto denominations by the govern ment. Dr. Anesaki says, "There was another aspect to the revival of Shinto, namely, the appearance of popular teachers in the first half of the nineteenth century. Most of them are called Shintoists and their followers to-day make up the so-called Shinto sects ; but in reality most of them derived their inspiration from occult practices preva lent among the mountaineer priests . . « •" For details see Masaharu Anesaki, History of Japanese Religions. pp. 2 0 9 - 3 4 0 » In oral discussion. Dr. Hoitom agreed with the view that the name. Sectarian Shinto, was given merely for convenience. — in the history of Japanese religion* Today it is the largest sect of Shinto* Its well organized churches and specially trained followers outnumber any other sect. Amoiqg the many denominations in Japan, this indigenous religion, whose activities (of a young, developing faith) appeal to many people, appears to have the most promising future. Numerous religions were formulated in Japan during the period from the Yedo ëira to the Meiji era, and the religions formulated after the Meiji era are not few. The continuous growth in power of these religions has surprised the intellectual class. The main cause of these religious movements may be attributed to the various aspects of social conditions of those times. Concerning this cause. Dr. Anesaki says briefly: We may point out the lifelessness and formalization of traditional systematic religions, Shintoism and Buddhism, which have caused the people to become estranged from these old cults of religions. Even Christianity, a newcomer in Japan, could not appeal to the people because of its complex church system and conflicting doctrinal problems. In addition to these negative causes, the positive cause was the appearance of the sincere practicist idio, by clearly defining his religious experiences, struck the souls of the p e o p l e.5 5 Masayoshi Anesaki, "Preface,” in Shozen Nakayama, Tenrikyo Dendosha ni kansuru Chosa (Survey on Tenrikyo Missionaries). [writer’s translation) In other words, the rise of new religious movements was an expression of people’s desire to open a path toward religious salvation in the muddy confusion caused by the seeking of a pure religious experience. Until the termination of World War II, Tenrikyo like all other religious sects, was under the restriction of the government. The limitations placed by the govern ment on the activities of the Tenrikyo church* made it im possible to publicize its true features or to circulate the original writings of the Foundress. After the close of World War II, the Tenrikyo Central Church declared^ the restoration of the faith based on the original revela tion of the Foundress. Since then Tenrikyo has entered a new period of further advancement and has become much more active in its expansion. ^ Shozen Nakayama made his declaration in the preface of the first issue of Fukugen (main periodical of Tenrikyo), published in April, 1946. "Fukugen" literally means "restoration." CHAPTER I THE PROBLEM AND DEFINITIONS OF TERMS USED Although religion is a higher realism, according to Schleiermacher,^ it is quite natural that a religion should he restricted by a resisting force from the outside and become a modified social form of the day. Yet religion keeps its own active restrictions towards the outside world through its self-interformation with a given socio-cultural order by its inner activities. A vivid religious existence is found in this dynamic area of self-manifestation of the religion to this world. I. THE PROBLEM Study of religion can be taken up as a socio-cul- tural matter when religion is regarded as a manifestation of God toward this world. Its real significance, however, is of a hi^er realism as a matter of transcendental s e c r e c y , 2 as a living message to this inner world from a ^ F. E. D. Schleiermacher, Uber die Religion. S. 55► 2 Masanao Katayama, Shinseinaru Jitsuzai (Holy I Existence), Chapter I. i transcendental world, or as a reality of the unseen.^ The past studies made on Tenrikyo by scholars of history and religion were simply based on casual observations, dealing with this religion as a small phenomenal fact in the his tory of Japanese religion. Accordingly, no satisfactory treatment was made of the essentials of this religion* In view of such evidence, this seems an opportune time to take up the study of Tenrikyo in connection with its socio-religious relationship, to investigate the essential features of this religion which has had such an astonishing development, and to understand and evaluate its influence in the history of Japanese religion. In this study, the attempt was made to approach the real features of this religion, based on the inner under standing of this socio-religious relationship. The pur poses of this study are ( 1) to treat the development of Tenrikyo in the light of historical background, (2) to treat the revelations of God as claimed by the adherents, and their relation to the person of the Foundress, (3) to treat the God-concept of the original scriptures, (4) to treat the God-man relationship, and (S) to treat the 3 William James, The Varieties of Religious Experience, p. 53» practical features of the Tenrikyo religion. II. DEFINITIONS OF TERMS USED There is as yet no exhaustive translation of the doctrine of this religion in the English language. There have been a few translations attempted by some writers, but they do not bring out many of the essential features of Tenrikyo. Thus, most of the materials used in this study have been taken directly from sources written in the Japanese language. The chief sources are the original writings of the Foundress; namely, the Ofudesaki. the Mikagurauta. and the Osashizu (collection of revelations of God through the disciple, Izo Iburi, after the death of the Foundress). Other sources authorized by the Ten rikyo Central Church were also used. The abbreviations and numerals following the quota tions from original scriptures indicate the sources and may be read as follows : (F III 5 2). . . Ofudesaki. Volume III, Verse 52. (M II 3). . . . Mikagurauta. Psalm II, Verse 3» (S 25-3-4)• • • Osashizu. 25th year of Meiji, March 4» All quotations from Osashizu are the writer’s translation. Quotations from Mikagurauta and Ofudesaki were taken from existing translations and changes were made where more direct interpretations of the original writing were possible. All the names of Japanese people living before the birth of the Foundress are written with their surnames first for the convenience of referring to other written sources. CHAPTER II HISTORICAL BACKGROUND Historical and social conditions are important factors in understanding religion. They are closely re lated and play an important part in the rise of religion. Therefore it is beneficial to begin this study with these factors. I. THE PERIOD OP FEUDALISM After the period of continuous war in the eras of Muromachi and Sengoku, the social condition of the day was transformed into an atmosphere of calm under the rule of the loyal warriors, Oda Nobunaga and Toyotomi Hideyoshi. They tried to restore to the emperor the political powers monopolized by the Shogun.^ However, after their death military government under Tokugawa leyasu became the 1 Originally Japan had been ruled by an emperor called the son of heaven. However, the Imperial government was transferred to the hands of warriors for approximately seven centuries, from 1186 to 1867* (See "The Establish ment of the Military Government" in M. Anesaki, o£. cit., p. 167.) Shogun is the title of the head in this military government and means generalissimo. The clans entitled Shogun were Minamoto, Hojyo (both in the Kamakura era), Ashikaga (Muromachi era), and Tokugawa (Yedo era). For de- tails, see M. Anesaki, op. cit.. p. 259._________________ ruling power of the country. The Tokugawas’ ruling began with the typical feudal- istic system, controlling the people without interference for well over two hundred fifty years (1 6 0 0 to I8 6 7)# Under the rule of the Tokugawa clan, art, litera ture, moral ; instruction, and religion flourished through out the country of Japan. Thus the Tokugawas’ foundation was more solidly established. The Tokugawa Bakufu had at last insured internal and external peace, and the centuries of disorder and civil strife had come to an end. ... National unity was not complete, but the barriers that had helped to divide the nation were being weakened. Although the bakufu issued no ex tensive codes, it published a system of rules by which the actions of every subject were carefully ordered. Obedience to laws issued by a central au thority was becoming a habit. Moreover, the nation was becoming more pros perous. With order insured, the farmer end the artisan could pursue their occupations unmolested. The state encouraged agriculture and undertook irrigation and riparian works. ... Roads were improved. Internal commerce grew in volume. . . . Commercial capital was accumulated and the currency was improved. ... Education became fairly widespread and litera ture and art flourished. In the capital and the homes of the daimyo, schools were established and the sons of the rude soldiers became polished men of the world. . .2 2 Kenneth S. Latourette, The Development of Japan, pp. 74*75• Concerning the feudalism of Tokugawa, it is possible to find a strict class distinction in this _____ Along with the rise of various cultures, however, a change was also seen in the political system of the bakufu. . . Warlike in its origin and purpose, an organized military feudalism, all its strength was now directed to the repression of strife. Its decay was inevitable. It was like the shell of a chrysalis. Within it the nation could rest and become prepared for the transformation of the nineteenth century, but in the shock of that transformation the shell was to be destroyed.’ The grand structure of the Tokugawa Government was firm and strong in external appearance but there was decay within, and a violent storm brewing that was to overthrow it. Both internal conditions and external circumstances were making for a radical change, a change which finally compelled the Shogun to resign and made possible the restoration of the Imperial regime— the fall of feudalism and the achievements of a complete national unity.4 This was mainly caused by the gradual change of the social climate and the desire of the people who were reach ing for a great cultural enli^tenment. It was a period when the people were awakening to the culture and external period. See Eijiro Honjo. Social and Economic History of Japan, Chaps. VI, VII; G. B. Sansom, Japan, Chap. XXI; J. H. Gubbins, The Making of Modern Japan, Chap. Ill; and E. W. Clement, Short History of Japan, pp. 75*76. Clement shows how Tokugawa built its grand structure of feudalistic system as a more or less perfect class-distinctive society. ^ Latourette, loc. cit. 4 Anesaki, o£. cit., p. 317* For detail, see "The Last Stage of the Tokugawa Regime," pp. 317-325* ^ ^ g-- influence of Western civilization. Such realization of the people themselves and their recognition of the inner decay of the Yedo Bakufu increased with the tremendous expansion of enli^tenment among the people. II. THE PALL OP BAKUFU AND FOREIGN IMPACT The period in which the Foundress of Tenrikyo lived was the hipest peak of this reformation spirit. It was the period when Japan was going through the transformation into a new social structure. Also about this time there was a fear that northern Japan would be taken over by Russia. Thus the Yedo Bakufu, considering the geograph ical importance of Hokkaido and Karafuto (Sakha]|ln), began preparations. In 1 7 8 6, the Bakufu sent Yamaguchi Tetsugoro to the Chishima Isles and Karafuto for exploration. On the other hand the Russian Emperor gave the order to his Hokkaido exploration party that they should inr vestigate the Chishima Isles and the Japanese coast.5 In April, 1786, a Russian boat appeared on the coast of Shimakomaki Village, Matsumaye, having come from the Tsugaru Strait.& In December, 1 7 8 7, the Bakufu sent an official to the east and west coast of Hokkaido for an investi gation.? -, I Shoiehi Hioki, Kokushi Dainenpyo (Chro nology of National History), Vol. IV, ppl 2 9 0-3OO• (Writer’s translation) On September 3, 1792, the Russian Envoy Raxman came to Kumagaya Tomitaro, the district official of Matsumaye, for opening of cohereial trade upon his arrival to Nemuro, Hokkaido.^ In November, the Bakufu authorized the order of defense from foreign boats.° On March l8, 1793, the Bakufu ordered Matsudaira Sadanobu, president of cabinet, to make a tour of inspection along the coast of Izu, Sagami (near Yedo). On June 8, 1793, a Russian boat entered the harbor of Hakodate.1^ On April 19, l800, the Bakufu sent Ino Tadataka to Hokkaido to survey the area.11 On September 11, 1806, Russia invaded Karafuto and also on March 11, l807, again Russia invaded Karafuto by boat.12 On April 29, 1807, Russia burned the office of Shana in Yetorofu Island after landing. 1-^ These events show that the Bakufu were troubled by a Russian invasion in the north. On the other hand, an English boat, the Phaeton, came to Nagasaki on August 15, 1806, forcing Japanese officials to give wood and water after capturing two Dutchmen.^4 Throughout their reign. tion) 8, 9, 10 ib^., pp. 3 2 4*3 2 6. (Writer’s transla- Ibid.. p. 3 4 9. (Writer’s translation) Ibid., pp. 3 6 8-3 7 2. (Writer’s translation) Ibid., p. 3 7 8. Concerning the Russian impact and the preparation of coast defence, see Hildreth Clement, Japan as It Was and Is, Chaps. XLII, XLIV, XLV. ' l~Q the Bakufu had closed the doors to foreign countries ex cept for a few traditional trading harbors. In Europe, the French Revolution (1789) was arising and the days of Napoleon’s conquest over Europe were approaching. Western countries gradually developed an interest in the coloniza tion of Asian lands. The Bakufu had now a serious problem to solve, and their ideas of solution were almost comical. Every event was brou^t to peoples* attention to stress the necessity of coastal defence. ... Under the later influence a remarkable book (Kaikoku Heidan) was compiled by Hayashi Shihei. ... He urged frankly that Japan must remain helpless for naval purposes if her people were forbidden to build ocean-going vessels idiile foreigners sailed the high seas, and he further urged that attention should be paid to coast defence, so that the country might not be wholly at the mercy of foreign adventurers.^^ It can be seen how urgent was the necessity of coastal defence of the Japanese land and isles from the above. Another quotation may be cited concerning the visit of another foreign boat: ... A ninety-gun ship of the line and a sloop, sent on this errand, anchored off Uraga in l8i| 6, and their commander. Commodore Biddle, applied for the sanction of trade. He received a positive refusal, and in pursuance of his instructions to abstain from any act calculated to excite hostility or distrust. 1 ^ _^5 F. Brinkley, History of the Japanese People. — ----- Il--- h© weighed anchored and sailed away. . « • In this same year, l8I j . 6, a French ship touched at the Ryukyu archipelago, and attempted to persuade the islanders that if they wished for security against British aggression, they must place themselves under the protection of France.^" Thus the Bakufu was forced to open its harbor to foreign countries or face the crisis. On the other hand, internally, the Imperial regime, which opposed the opening, began its attack on the Bakufu as it showed an inclination to open the harbors. The long duration of sleeping peace which the people had enjoyed was coming to an end, and the country was being awakened by the threat of foreign boats. With every effort that the Bakufu made toward a solution, the situation seemed to grow worse. Everything seemed to point to the powerlessness of the Bakufu in both internal and external affairs. This situation had reached its peak when the trade was opened with the United States in accor dance with a treaty signed by Commodore Mathew Galbraith Perry. In the year 1853, Commodore Perry of the United States Navy appeared in Uraga Bay with a squadron of four warships and 560 men. The advent of such a force created much perturbation in Yedo. Instead of dealing with the affair on their own absolute au thority, the Bakufu summoned a council of feudatories to discuss the necessary steps. Meanwhile, the Shogun, who had been ill for some time, died, and 16 Ibid., p. 6 6 3. — 12 his decease was pleaded as a pretext for postponing discussion with the Americans. Ferry, being without authority to resort to force, did not press his point. He transmitted the President’s letter to the sovereign of Japan, and steamed away on the l?th of July.17 ... After presenting his demands. Perry withdrew to the China coast. Returning the next year, he lined up his little fleet in battle array, and after land ing, impressed the Japanese war lords with the - ’bene fits * of western civilization in the form of sewing machines, clocks, a telegraph instrument and a mini ature steam locomotive. Perry persuaded the medieval warrior nation to grant the American demands; in March, 1854, a treaty was signed which gave Americans access to two Japanese ports. . . .1^ III. THE CONDITION OP RELIGION After the treaty with the United States was signed, treaties with England in August and with Russia in De cember followed. Perry’s attitude toward these treaties was friendly. He had successfully completed his mission in Japan. These events were referred to as the visit of the Eurofune (Black Ship) and their appearances were re garded with apprehension by the people of Japan. The thriving isolationism movement joined its forces with the ^7 Ibid., p. 664- 1® Arthur C. Bining, A History of the United State a, Vol. I, p. 499. See Brinkley, o^# cit., pp. 65I-67ÏÏ; ! E. ¥. Clement, A Short History or Japan, Chap. X; G. B. Sansom, Western World and Japan, Chap. XII; J. H. Gubbins, The Making of Modern Japan, Chap. IV; Herbert H. Go wen. An Outline History of Japan, Chaps. XXIII, XXIV. - ■ 13 Loyalists, who were interested in restoring the Imperial regime, to destroy the Bakufu. Accordingly some bloody events were inevitable. The people were confused as their security , of living was threatened. On the other hand, the traditional religion had become corrupt and the growing decay had made the religion inadequate for the salvation of people. Tokugawa leyasu had supported religions in a hope to establish a steady foundation for internal security. He adopted special policies toward Shinto, Confucianism, and Buddhism, hoping to insure his family’s future suc cess as rulers. His policy was in keeping his feudalistic system as long as possible. Thus he used each religion to advantage. The adoption of Shushi Gakuha (or Shushi School), especially as the official school of thou^t,^^ and other Gonfucian schools^O were proposed for the protection of 19" A representative scholar of the Shushi School was Hayashi Kazan, who was followed by Kinoshita Junan, idio in turn had three pupils, Anamori Hoshu, Muro Kyuso, and Arai Hakuseki. For details, see G. B. Sansom, Japan. pp. 4 9 3-4 9 8. Another main Gonfucian school was the 0-: School (Wai^Yang-Ming) whose famous advocates were Oshio Heihachiro, Yoshida Shoin, and Nakaye Toju, who finally combined with Shinto. They were more or less in opposition to the authority of official Confucianism. With them, the his policies from the internal conflicts lAiich were anti cipated • In order to keep the social condition in status quo, the moral teaching of Confucianism was applied* The Confucian ethics and the feudalistic system were closely related and created no visible conflict* Thus the hier archy of the Yedo Bakufu escaped attacks* The guiding principles of the Tokugawa administra tion were laid down in a system of social ethics adopted as official doctrines by the first shoguns* It was derived from a version of Confucian teaching into whose complicated history we need not enter. It is enou^ to note that its chief tenets were con cerned with loyalty* The vassal owes loyalty to his overlord, the samurai to his master and these ob ligations transcend all others, even the bonds of duty and affection between parents and children, husband and wife, teacher and pupil* This was a code which, though it might be practiced along side of Buddhism, was in essence anti-religious, and during the Tokugawa period Confucian professors exercised a greater influence among the educated classes than did the Buddhist clergy. Thus the people became conservative and did not work of Yamasaki Ansai, who compromised the doctrine of the Shushi School (Chu Hi) and the principle of Nationalism, though he was a follower of Shushi School, can not be ig nored* Another scholar was Kaibara Ekken, who was inter ested in the popular teaching of education and practical morals* All these Confucian scholars planted the seeds of the later national movement* For details, see Ibid*, Chaps. XXII, XXIII. 21 G* B* Sansom, The Western World and Japan* p* 181) . . ^ — voice their ideas towards the upper c l a s s e s .^2 Besides, to the people this social condition seemed absolute, and it never occurred to them to reflect upon their lot or look toward a better social condition. The rights of the people were neglected and the people were anxiously restricting themselves to the bounded society# Such conditions were characteristics of the Yedo e:ra and it is quite natural that there were no vigorous and active religious movements at all, though they might have been able to purify and raise the culture from the past centuries. Under such conditions. Buddhism became a religion the principal activity of which centered around service for the dead, and Confucianism became a guardian religion of the Yedo Bakufu. The lack of religious elements brought about a movement to unite with Shinto. Thus an attempt was made to systematize Shinto by applying the teaching of Confucianism. At the same time, syncretism with Buddhism was held, but only among the common people. Thus the syncretism with Confucianism had been successful, among the scholars of the day. Yamsaki Ansai, Deguchi Kobuyoshi, and Yoshikawa Koreashi were noted for their adoption of 22 There had been brought about such a term as Gekoku.jyo (literally means the attitude of the lower people in opposition to the upper people). In those days, this Uekokujyo was given heavy punishment.____________________ ■ 16 I Confucian moral teaching to the Shinto and the creation of proper teaching for Japanese family life, while Kamo Ma- buchi, Kada Azumamaro, So Keichu, and Hotoori Norinaga strove for the establishment of national study. Unfor tunately, these scholars were not interested in expanding their teaching among the common people who had little or no education. Thus the people were left far behind in this change.23 On the other hand, the Yedo Bakufu tried to confirm the people in religion in order to reject Christianity as a prohibited religion.^4 All the people were required to belong to at least one specified religion except Christi anity. Buddhist temples were ordered by the Yedo Bakufu to prepare a list of followers, and also a list of persons absent on the day of ancestor worship in the temple. The temples were subject to investigation to see that the pro hibited religion was not worshipped. 23 For details, see Keiichi Nakayama, Kyoha Shinto no Hassei Katei (The Process of Rise of Sectarian Shinto- ism), Chap. I. 2^ The persecution of Christianity was held espe cially in the days of Tokugawa I emit su, the third genera tion of Tokugawa family. For details,see Sansom, g^# cit.. pp. 1 7 1-1 8 0; James Murdoch, A History of Japan, Chap. XXII; hatourette, op. cit., pp. 70-73; W. E. Griffis, The Religion of Japan, pp. 3^1-3455 Otis Cary, A History of Christianity in Japan, Chaps. VI, VII. ---------------- j Under the protection of the Yedo Bakufu, many j temples were built throughout the country* Buddhism reached its height of popularity at the middle of the era. During { the reign of Tokugawa Tsunayoshi, for example, five Shingoni temples were built in Yedo (Tokyo). They were the results I of Tsunayoshi's and his mother's fanatical faith in Budd- 1 hism. All the lords of the land followed the example set I by Tsunayoshi and his mother, and built new temples and ! rebuilt old temples in their territories.25 Thus the f Buddhistic pattern of living was brought to the people. I Also Buddhism became an agent for public education by establishing T e r a k o y a . 2 8 Under the policy of the Yedo Bakufu, Terakoya was the only learning place for the com- I I mon people and fostered the rise of Shingaku (mental learn- ; I ing) later. By becoming an inseparable part of the life of I I I the people. Buddhism established an unchallengeable basis ' 1 as the religion of the people from these days to the present. It is clear that the Yedo Bakufu tried to protect the religion which was helpful to its policy and social system. Such enforcement made the temple flourish and 25 K. Nakayama, op. cit., pp. 5-6. 26 Terakoya was an establishment of education for the lower class or common people.____ ,------------------------------------------------------------------------------ Buddhism became a national religion* However, prosperity brought corruption of the priesthood and loss of true faith. At the same time, since the Yedo Bakufu watched all insti tutions according to the ordinances of religion. Buddhism could not go beyond the given limitation, thou^ it was treated warmly. Buddhism lost its freedom of faith and activity by being under such ordinances and by the adoption of formalism as the Yedo Bakufu had done. Shinto was in the same situation and no religious activities were held at the time except activities of educational leadership or supervision of the people as requested by the government. Thus all religion lost its original mission and was only j faintly keeping life. I IV. THE RISE OP POLK BELIEFS 1 I I Then what form did religion take in the minds of the people? By what were they satisfied and to which di rection were they going? Concerning this, Ryuzo Saito writes how Buddhism affected the people and fostered the development of folk belief. There were many people who wished to shave their head in order to devote themselves to Nenbutsu. There were many who seemed to have lost their mindÿ~ringing bells, beating drums, and dancing at the street corners . . . while there were many idio sincerely looked for true faith by making pilgrimages from one holy place to another. Many became followers of Buddhism through being saved from unhappiness and I 19 illness* Countless number^ of holy place were found in each region and district, and numerous temples and sacred summer houses were built to worship many coming Buddhas; such as, Jizo-Bosatsu, Fudo-Myoo, Yakushi-Hyorai, Taishokuten, Bentenzai, Soma Paie, etc * 2/ Thus he wrote about the days of Genroku, udiich is the middle age of the Tokugawa era* Here is another quota tion which refers to the end of Tokugawa era* Since the temple was responsible not only for the burial of the dead but also for the census taking, people respected priests from habit and believed that peace rested in the temple. They worshipped Mida and their ancestors in the home, morning and evening. It was a respected virtue of filial duty to ancestors. They worshipped Mida and their ancestors unconsciously without knowing a bit of doctrine of their own sect. Their faith rested in the belief that they would be released from illness or unhappiness. Thus if one temple was famous for the healing of illness, people would flock to the temple disregarding the distance or the difficulties in reaching the place. ... Many went from place to place seeking peaceful re lease from the sufferings of practical life. ... Many were devoted to the superstitious way of solving future and unknown problems.*^ Also with the flourishing of Terakoya in the Budd hist temple, Shingaku played an important role in the com mon teaching of morals. This learning was started by 27Einsei Nippon Seso Shi (History of Modern Japa nese Social Condition), cited by K. Nakayana,op. cit., pp. 6-7* (Writer's translation) Concerning gods and wor ship of folk belief, see Manshu Tanaka, Shinbutsu Mono- gatari (Stories of Shinto and Buddhist Gods)• Many inter esting examples of folk belief are found in this book. p A Ibid., pp. 7-8. (Writer's translation) ■ - - - - - - - - - - - - - ■' ■ . . . . II. I ■ ■ I I . . ■ ■ ■ » . l - - Ishida Baigan and spread in the eighteenth century. Shin- gaku as a doctrine was an eclecticism aiming at uniting the moral teachings of all the religions and ethical systems prevailing in Japan, tempering them with the general prin ciples of humanitarian ethics and mental culture. The soul; it was taught, is the reflex of the heavenly reason in the individual, an idea common to Buddhism and Confucianism. This teaching prevailed in the heart of the people and in fluenced the teaching of later religions. These tendencies of popularization in Buddhism were I also present in Shintoism. With the reformation movement j of Shinto, indicated before, reconstructions of shrines I I were begun. It was about this time that the worshipping of Chinju (village shrine), Ubusuna-kami (the God of birth), TJji-kami (the guardian God of community), and others ap peared in the form of folk beliefs and gained their highest popularity among the common people. During the years of continuous war prior to the Yedo era, the up-keep of shrines was neglected. In the Tokugawa era, however, the repairs of the damages to the i shrines were being financed by special donations from the I i I people, who began to worship gods. Among the most popular ■ 29 For details, see Anesaki, 0£. cit., pp. 299-302.' 21 shrines was the Ise Shrine. Pilgrimage to the Ise Shrine was prohibited strictly and the punishment was severe. However, people flocked to the Ise Shrine for they thou^t that some miracle should happen if they could safely reach Ise. These secret pilgrimages were called Nuke-mairi to Ise.^^ During the years of Hoei and Meiwa,^^ rumors of divine favours at the Ise Shrine were carried by word of ♦ mouth to the various provinces and streams of pilgrimages were begun. Servants went without their pilgrimages being known by their master; wives went without telling their husbands. Even ei^t or ten year old chil dren went to Ise without telling their parents. Hundreds and thousands of people crowded the Ise Shrine from morning till night. These strange pilgrimages were started by a certain rumor that miracles were produced at Ise.32 Since the minds of the people were confused under the rule 30 Nuke-mairi means to go secretly to worship. 31 Hoei is the period between ITO^-ITIO# and Meiwa is the period between I76J 4.- 1 7 7I» according to Hioki, op. cit.. Vol. IV. 32 Tariho Akita, Kami sema no Yurai (Origin and History of Gods), pp. 17-21).. (Writer's translation, abridged) This Ise nuke-mairi was also known as Ise okage- mairi (okage means miracle) or literally a pilgrimage to Ise miracle. It was considered a disgrace for a person not to have visited the Ise Shrine. r-------------------------- — 22 of controversial powers, such rumors were enou^ to start them on their journey. This pilgrimage to the Ise Shrine aroused in the people the desire to seek faith in various other shrines. In short the popularization of Shinto, Buddhism, and Confucianism among the people resulted in the interfusion of each religion with the others. Although the Yedo Bakufu tried to establish a formal distinction between the religions, they were unable to de fine a doctrine with which to guide the life of the people. Therefore, the people were driven to seek divine favours and blessing rather than to seek the urgently needed solu tion for their problems. The loss of concrete religion brought the existence of various folk-beliefs, and the people began to addict themselves with their favourite creeds. The Hachimangu (Shrine of the Guardian of Warriors or hero worship) were worshipped in towns where knights lived; the Inari Myojin (Shrine for Crops), in villages where farmers lived; the Funatama Garni (Guardian of Fishing), in coastal towns and villages where fisher men lived; the ^aterasu Omikami (the sun), the Tsuki- yomi no Hikoto (the moon), and many stars were wor shipped by others. . . . Religion became very super stitious and worshipping lost its real purpose. Priests told false stories about god and divine favour, and even told of str^ge faith toward nature, plants, animals, and stars.33 , 33 Saito, op. cit., pp. 11-12. (Writer's transla- - 4* ^ \ — . — I I ■ ■ ■ ' .n. , . ... —. ... - . . -1-. 1 . 1 , . i i — — . - < —■. < ' " " i -.. «......... • -------------- -. 23 The people began to create their own religions, transforming Buddhism and Shintoism into their own concepts of life. On the other hand, systematic study and research were conducted among the upper class people such as sam urais, district lords, priests, and scholars. With the exception of some prominent Shinto scholars, they were interested in Confucian teaching rather than Buddhism or Shinto. These systematic studies brou^t about an anti- Bakufu movement. This movement later became a conflict between the Bakufu and the Imperial regime# Thus the Yedo Bakufu was losing its authority of three hundred years. Japan was entering a new era as a member of the world. The time was filled with tension. Schools and religious insti tutions, îdiich had been protected by the Yedo Bakufu, were helpless to ease the tension for they had long lost their hold on the people. A reformation movement among the Shintoist scholars to re-establish the way of god was ris ing. The people who were oppressed by the Yedo Bakufu turned their interest to the royal government. I V, THE RISE OP NEW RELIGIONS I The various folk beliefs appeared to be serving as j a stepping stone for the rise of another new religion. The; i Sectarian Shintoism and the social conditions were coming j — to a great change because of the chaotic situation. Conse quently, the people's desire for religion forced the rise of new religions based upon their conception of god, re flecting the syncretic ism of Shintoism, Buddhism and Con fucianism. It is not surprising to discover evidences of many Buddhistic and Confucian concepts in each of these Sectarian Shintos, since they grew out of the intermingling of Shintoism, Buddhism, and Confucianism. The rise of Sectarian Shintos owes much to the leadership and personality of their founders #10 were reared in the atmosphere of the naive faith of folk belief. Each sect was based on the popular concepts of the god of ; the Shinto background, and its formation was influenced by Confucianism and Buddhism. In the doctrine of each sect can be found many elements %diich reflect the influences of the great religions of Asia. A great change had come in the form of the Meiji Imperial Restoration in I8 6 8. Under the policy of the Meiji government, the syncretic worship of Shinto and Buddhism was prohibited, and Buddhism was suppressed idiile the original Shinto was adopted as the state religion or the religion of national creed.34 The new religions îAiich I 34 In 1 8 6 8, the Department of Shinto was set up as I chief among seven different primary agencies of ___ 25 flourished in these days were named Sectarian Shinto and became independent religions developing among the people as practical and active religions with missionary work throu^ church organization. Originating in the latter days of Yedo era. Sectarian Shintos are found in countless number today. As a whole these sects can be divided into three types: mountain sects, village sects, and pure sects.35 ■ -I administration. In the first month of I8 7O, the Emperor issued a rescript defining the relation of Shinto to the state as follows : 'We solemnly announce: The Heavenly Deities and the Great Ancestress (Amaterasu-Omikami) established the throne and made the succession sure. The line of Emperors, following one after the other, entered into possession thereof and transmitted the same. Religious ceremonies and government were one and the same and the innumerable subjects were of a: single mind. ... * •^But now, in the cycle of fate, (all this) is re formed. Government and education must be made plain that the Great Way of faith in the kami may be pro pagated. Accordingly, we newly appoint propagandists to proclaim this to the nation. Do you our subjects keep this eommandsient . in mind. ' For details, see D. G. Hoi tom. National Faith of Japan, pp. 54-56. 35 This distinction is based on the regional dis tinction of their origin. Refer to M. Anesaki, Religious Life of the Japanese People, pp. 26-31; and Hoitom, op. cit., p. 1 8 9. Hoitom's classification is based on es sential characteristics of each sect, dividing them into five groups. Mountain sects are closely related to mountain worship and are practiced in the mountains. Village sects are born in villages and spread through villages, towns and cities. Pure sects are not active in practical life and are closely related to the original Shinto. Among the mountain sects are Puji-Shinko (Fuji Faith), Jikko-kyo (Teaching of Practice), Fuso-kyo. and Mitake Shinto. These sects all insisted on purification of self by identifying self with the universe ^ich is attained through self-discipline on a high mountain. Originally, mountain worship, to which the new sects owe much, existed in quite a different form. During the Tokugawa era, the spiritual practice called Shugendo (Teaching of Ascetic Devotion) advocated the practice of identification of self with the universe to attain enlight enment in our life. The Shuaendo was partly brou^t by the influence of Buddhistic asceticism* It combined Shin to's worship of mountains with the attaining of enlighten ment by the Buddhistic a p p r o a c h .36 36 Prom ancient times, the Japanese people were I specially concerned with the mountains. To the Japanese I people, their surroundings (nature) were animated with j souls Just as in man. Such racial temperament brought about, in later times, a polytheistic god concept as their ! worship. From the ancient times, thus, mountain worship i flourished among the people. Especially they had a special 27 Among the village sects are three; namely, Kuro- zumi-kyo, Konko-kyo, and Tenrikyo. The common character istics of these religions are that they were revealed throng their founders, that they insist on the love of god toward all mankind, and that they teach brotherhood of man. Their god concepts are universalized in contrast to the particularized concept of original Shinto. Among the Sectarian Shintos, these three sects are the most active in missionary work, and they possess a certain systematized feeling for Mt. Fuji. In this way, they were holding mountain worship as one of the oldest types of Shinto wor ship. After Buddhism was introduced, this mountain worship became more active and fostered the rise of a special sect, Shugendo, at the end of Nara era (about the eighth century); along with the rise of the mountain Buddhism. This Shu- i gendo consisted of two different groups; namely, the Shugendo based on the principle of original Shinto worship and the interrelated sect of Shinto and Buddhism. The former was the naive mountain worship and the latter was the doctrinal worhhip based on syncreticism named Honchi- Suijyaku-Setsu. In the Tokugawa ëira these Shugendo were ieà by Kakugyo, who became the founder of mountain sects. Principal schools were : Fuji Ko (Fuji Fraternity) founded by Kakugyo con taining ethical and social teaching. Jikko-kyo Fuso-kyo Maruyama-kyo Fu.1 ido-Koshfn-ko Mltake Ko fMÏtake Fraternity) founded by Shimoyama Yosuke, containing ethical and magical teaching. 28--- doctrine and show a positive type of religious conscious ness. These religions reflect the actual union of living with god. Finally among the pure sects are Misogi-kyo, Shinri- kyo. Taisha-kyo. Shusei-kyo, Taisei-kyo, Shinto-Honkyoku, and Shinshu-kyo. Of these, Shinto-Honkyoku, Shinri-kyo, and Taisha-kyo are pure Shinto sects; Shusei-kyo and Taisei- kyo are more or less Confucian sects; and Shinshu-kyo ,and Misogi-kyo are purification sects. In short, the rise of the Sectarian Shinto was what the vitality of a basic religious quality hidden in the hearts of the people caused to appear and crystalize in the time of the great change of society from old to new. And the flourishing of folk beliefs was a rich soil for the use of the new religious movement. Accordingly, the syncretic elements of various religions cannot be ignored in the 37 Concerning the interpretation of each sect, see Hoitom, o£. cit.. Chaps. XII, XIII, XV. With reference to Tenrikyo, it is interesting to note that he defines the village sects as the ”Paith-Healing Sects,” saying that the general characteristics which these associations possess in common are : a tendency towards extreme emotion alism, a basis in revelationism, monotheistic or panthe istic trends in doctrine, and a center in faith-healing. Ibid., p. 2 4 5* Also see Hoi tom. Modem Japan and Shinto Nationalism, pp. 29-30. doctrine of these sects. Reflecting the morality and in telligence of the day, the common element among these sects was the reforming spirit against the social turmoil. Above all, religion develops along with a given social conscious ness of the people. It is no wonder that Tenrikyo, as one of these sects, arose in a form of prophetic religion and in passing years has increased considerably in number of followers and in its activities. CHAPTER III THE FOUNDRESS Since Tenrikyo is a religion which, owes its birth to a foundress, it is understandable that the Tenrikyo faith reflects a great deal of the god concept and the viewpoint of life of the Foundress. It is not too much to say that Tenrikyo is a reflection of the Foundress' person ality. 1 The relation is similar to that of Christianity which owes its basis to the truth of incarnation of the Christ and the secret of the Cross which symbolizes the path to eternal life. In Tenrikyo, #ie concept of the three important moments to eternal life is very important. They are called Kyo so Tamashii no Innen, Tenkei no Tokishun, and Basho no Innen.2 These three moments are regarded as one unity in Tenrikyo doctrine and are the most essential elements in its faith-activity. Some people have applied the Trinity ^ Sonjin Iwai, Tenrikyoso no Tetsugaku (Philo sophy of Tenrikyo Foundress), Chap. I. 2 See later explanation. , ------- — ..... 31 1 theory to clarify these concepts*3 That is, they brought about the Holy Trinity consisting of Tamashii (soul), Toki (time), and Basho (place). In this chapter, preference will be given to a ! 1 brief description of early Tenrikyo history in parallel to | I the description of the life of the Foundress. It will be I well to open with historical data involving the life of the Foundress. I. CHILDHOOD The life of the Foundress, Miki Nakayama, is a span; of ninety years from her birth at the mansion of Mayekawa^ in Sanmaiden Mura,5 on April 1 8 , 1 7 9 8 , ^ till her death at 3 This idea is expressed in the book entitled Tenri Shingaku (Tenrikyo Theology). These are also called Tenrikyo no San Dai Innen (Three Great Innen of Tenrikyo) among the people. 5 The Mayekawa family was the official represent tative of several neighboring villages in the court of Todo Izuminokami, the Dis trie t-Lord of Ise. Recently official | papers confirming this fact have been found. See Tametsugu' Yamazawa, "Tenrikyoso Goden Soan," (Writings on the Foun- | dress), Fukugen, Vol. II, pp. 24-35* Sanmaiden Mura (San-; maiden VilTagiT is located about 1.5 miles south of Tam- , baichi Machi. Hanshichi Mayekawa, the father of Miki, was ; a Shoya or mayor of this village. 6 There are two opinions concerning the date of Foundress* birth. One supports the birth date as April 4* and the other, April 18. Kiyoshi Hashimoto, Tenrikyo Yurai Ryakuki (Brief History of Tenrikyo); Masaichi Moroi, Michi- sugara (The Way of Religion) ; and Gokyoso Goryakuden zukl I ----- Tambaiehi, on January 27* I8 8 7. Briefly, the life of the Foundress may be divided into three periods; childhood, housewife, and the period after the revelation. These periods mark important pro gressions in the history of Tenrikyo and will show how this religion was born and developed in the middle of the nine teenth century. During her childhood, she spent peaceful days as 7 the eldest daughter of a wealthy family. She was deeply influenced religiously and desired to become a Buddhistic nun. The reason for her escape to Buddhism during this period is not well known, but may be attributed to her very compassionate nature and resultant disillusionment in the chaotic society of the period. Tenrikyokai Enkaku (History of Tenrikyo Church with the Life of Foundress) show the former date. The latter date is found in Kyo so Go den (The Life of Foundress) by Shin- jiro Nakayama. The former date was based on the old certi ficate issued by Tambaiehi Hall and was corrected in I8 8 6. This source is not reliable since errors made in transcrip tion have not been infrequent. The Foundress herself said that her birthday was April I8, it is told. Thus, the creditability is given to the latter date. ^ For details, see Michioki Masuno, Tenrikyo; Fujio Ikoma, Tenrikyo Yogi (Essentials of Tenrikyo); Tametsugu Yamazawa, *^Kyoso Goden Soan,” (Writings on the Foundress), Fukugen. Vol. I; M. Moroi. op. cit.; S. Naka yama, op. cit.; Tomoharu Takano, Gozonmei no Koro (During the Life of Foundress), Vol. I. 33 The religious influence of her mother may not be ignored since her mother was a devout follower of the Jodo Sect (Pure Land School of Buddhism). That she was brou^t up in a religious atmosphere is another noteworthy fact of her childhood; the family in which she was born was devoted to a certain sect of Buddhism and the behaviour of her good mother, who was reverence itself to Buddha, left so deep an im pression on her sensitive heart that she at last after a long consideration decided to escape from the material world by running into a nunnery.^ However, she was still too young to understand the doctrines of Jodo Sect, and the teaching merely gave her a religious feeling and atmosphere. Thus, it may be said that her decision to renounce the world was the result of a coincidental meeting of her own nature, general environ ment, and her mother's religious influence. Her religious passion was justified by the teachings of Jodo Sect and developed within her a feeling of well-being which she formerly did not possess. The fact that she did not renounce the secular world, though she urgently desired to become a nun, is an indication of progress toward an individual faith showing a departure from the accepted faith of her neighbors. In ^ Masuno, o£. cit., p. 92. Shinji Nakayama attri buted the reason for her embracing such feeling to her weak, physical condition in his Kyoso Goden. However, the most | important factors seem to lie in her nature and her home j atmosphere. See other sources indicated in footnote J .... 1 I other words, she began to conceive a positive type of faith- I activity. If she were a common woman, she might have been satisfied by merely being a religious woman. She, however, could not stop her urgent religious feeling even in her secular daily life. This transitional moment of religious concept came just before her marriage. II. HOUSEWIFE When she became thirteen years old, she married Zentoei Nakayama. This marriage became an important step ping stone to the realistic and practical faith-attitude, Yokigurashi,^ in her later religious establishment. It is now necessary to consider how her pessimistic ideas, de rived from the Jodo Sect, were transformed into a positive faith in relation to her practical life as a housewife. The Nakayama family was related to the Mayekawa family and was equally as noted and wealthy as the Mayekawa family. They were honored as a family of Shoya of the neighboring villages consisting of many private farm lands.When she was told to marry the son of this family 9 Yokigurashi literally means happy and cheerful living, and is an essential purpose in the way of human living toward tdiich Tenrikyo aims. See Tenrikyo Kyo ten (The Doctrine of Tenrikyo), Chap. X. 10 Yamazawa, op. cit.. Vol. II, pp. 14-36. 35 by her parents, she spoke of her deep desire to become a nun and refused the offer of her parents. However, since her character was obedient in nature, she accepted her parents' request on condition that she be allowed to pray to Buddha and perform morning and evening services. This request was accepted by the Nakayama family since they were Dahka (supporters) of a Jodo Sect temple. Thus she was permitted to seek her faith without interferences. . . . Now the two families, the Nakayama and the Maegawa had been connected to each other by marriage, the former being also a rich family of a good repute and holding the honourable position of a village mayor. • • . The eldest son of the Nakayama, Zenbei, was already over twenty years old and was in quest of a good girl honourable enough to be his helpmate. On the day of her visit, the engagement between Zenbei and the Foundress was sanctioned by the parents. ... Later on when she was told by her parents of her engagement tdiich they had done for her ... she most politely asked them to excuse her of her disobedience to them only that once, because she had an indomitable desire to solve her spiritual unrest by a retired life in a nunnery, but after earnest pur suas ions and the admonitions of her parents that were repeated over and over again, she at last yielded to them on the condition that she would be quite free to offer prayers morning and evening to Buddha. The Nakayama, being of a Buddhist family, was rather pleased with that condition and after due pre parations she entered into the Nakayama family as dau^ter on September 15, I8IO, when she was thirteen 36 years old, and Zenbei, twenty-ttiree. . « When she was nineteen years old, she was ordained 1 p at the Zenpxikuji Temple upon receiving the secret of Goju Soden^3 in February. At this time, her moral com passion had been transformed into religious compassion. Her life as a housewife is noteworthy as a preparatory stage leading toward divine revelations and finally to a completely religious life. Her life at home was not dif ferent from that of an ordinary housewife, but her reli gious feeling was the whole of her life and was expressed in her deeds on behalf of her neighbors. This individual religious expression later developed into an ethical stress on Makoto-Shin. 1 itsu^4 or the purification of mind through Masuno, o£. cit., pp. 93-94* See S. Nakayama, op. cit.; Yamazawa, op. d t ., Vol. II, pp. 56-57; Ikoma, op. cit., pp. 4-6. 12, 13 is the highest religious ritual in the Jodo Sect. The person vàio received this was regarded as the enlightened. One hundred days were required for the completion of this ritual. Later the days were shortened to seven days. It consists of five rituals, each with | special lecture on a saint. The deep and secret lectures | were tau^t orally and no one was allowed to speak of them j to another person. A special name was given to the person j idao completed all required rituals. The Foundress* name was Rennyo Chiho Zen.jyo Ni, ^ich can still be found in the temple record of ZenpukuJT, located at Magata Mura, one- half mile south of the Tenrikyo Central Church. i ^4 Mako to-Shinj it su literally means sincerity. See later explanation in Chapter VII, Section 3* j ) f I the work of God which she performed later in her daily life. She engaged in home duty, sincerely devoting her self to her family. She also showed sincere concern for the welfare of her neighbors. These feelings and genuine concerns should be noted as a final stage of her personal ! rise before the divine revelation. She gained a wide repu tation for her unselfish devotions which grew out of her compassionate character and deepened with age. This com passion was severely tested and purified when a trouble arose in her marital relation. . . • Her maid servant became too intimate with her husband, Zenbei, and became so malicious that she dared to attempt to poison her mistress, but the Foundress pitied her for her wicked heart and treated her with compassion rather than with a bitter enmity. The maid * s conscience was called back by her daily contact with the noble person ality of the Foundress and at last repented of her past conduct. . • .^5 Thus she took this event as a trial given by God to cleanse her mind. She thought of this event as caused by her neglect and repented for herself instead of blaming the maid. About this time her senses were increasingly ^5 Masuno, op. cit., pp. 97-98. The name of maid servant was Okano and it was recorded that she worked for the Foundress, but it is not clear where she went after the event. For details, refer to Yamazawa, o£. cit., Vol. Ill, pp. 38-1^3. 38 purified that she might have seen her surround.ing not as a human order but as a divine order. Unaccountable instan ces of the nature in which she showed her benevolence and religious compassion have been recorded. In her thirty- first year, another important incident occurred. She offered herself as a sacrifice in asking gods to save the life of a neighbor’s child. . . . a baby at her next door happened to be in a state of malnutrition caused by the scarcity of its mother’s breast and both mother and baby suf fered a great deal. The Foundress was moved with compassion for the poor, little thing, and in spite of her two little daughters, she gave it now and then her own breast. ... But not long after her earnest effort had been rewarded with the good health restored to it, the baby was attacked by a severe fever which proved itself to be a smallpox of a very dangerous species. The anxiety of its parents, who had already had the sad experiences of having lost five children all when young, was so touching that no one could see them without being moved to the heart. The compassionate Foundress could not bear to see the parents who were then thoroughly drowned in the tears of sorrow. . . . She, therefore, deter mined to save it or die ... and devoted herself ni^t and day to the nursing of that poor, sick one. Famous physicians, good medicines, and even en chantments, if they were only thought good, were tried, but all means of recovery were in vain and no hope was given to the disappointment of all con cerned, especially of the Foundress. There were no means left for her but to ask for Buddha’s mercy or the protection of God. ... She, therefore, went round many shrines and temples in her neighbourhood, more specially to the shrine of the guardian God of her village, and knelt down in supplication asking 39 for the life of the baby. She even offered her life, if God would only grant the life of the poor baby; yea, she prayed that she would willingly have the lives of her two beloved dau^ters shortened that the merciful God mi^t save that poor creature from death. Sincerity goes up to Heaven; love moves a devil to tears. So her sincerity saved the baby from the jaws of death. . . .^° Thus her devotion to others reached the utmost in human expression. Following this event, the Nakayama family met with many misfortunes in which they lost the second dau^ter, Yasuko, in I8 3O, the third daughter, Haruko, in the following September, and the fourth dau^ter, Tsuneko, in 1 8 3 3.^^ Following these events, her life as a housewife ; was a deeply religious life until her forty-first year. Many incidents can be noted in which her conduct indicated her religious personality; such as the incident in which she brought about the repentance of a robber by explaining the evil of his deed; and at another time when she found a woman with a baby begging at her door, she fed the mother and gave breast to the baby. However, no trace of her god Ibid., pp. 98-100. See Yamazawa, o£. cit.. Vol. II, pp. g8-7lj.. ^7 Ibid., p. 101. See Yamazawa, o£. cit., pp. 8 1-8 3. --------------— ------------------------------------ i | . 0 --- concept or her individual belief can be found during this period. Her god concept appears to be a mixed god concept i of Buddhism and Shintoism, reflecting the habit and back ground of the social period. This fact is clearly seen when she offers prayer to the shrines and temples to save the neighbor’s little child. This probably was the result of her belief not only in the Jodo Sect but also in the popular religious cults. Without consciousness of doing so, she raised her character up to the superhuman bounds and began to conceive a new religious principle. Her con- I 1 ; cept of life tau^t by the Jodo Sect was changing from I negative to positive. She began to realize the possibili- I ties of an actual intercommunication with god through sin- I cerlty which, to her, seemed to be a divine nature dwelling' I in all human beings. III. REVELATION Events in her life to this point seemed to have i been leading to a climax. This climactic point came with ^ the revelation that brought about her final enlightenment ' and enabled her to express her religious individuality I that had been within all this time. With the coming of j the revelation, she became a prophet. It will be ! 1^ 1 interesting to quote a few paragraphs from Fukugen concern ing her mystical experience* ... On the twenty-third day of October in the ninth year of Tempo, Shuji suffered more than usual from his leg ailment. That night, Zenbei (husband of the Foundress) suddenly complained of an eye-ache, and the Foundress suffered a waist-ache. However, this day was Inu-no-ko (festival of harvest) of Shoyashiki Village, and a Shugen.jya (a devotee of mountain religion) named Ichibei was at the Inui family as a guest. So they went to him in the next morning. Ichibei decided to offer a prayer to God. However, his disciple Osoyo was absent on this day. Therefore, recommended by Ichibei and also by her husband’s wishes, the Foundress became Ka.jidailQ holding Gohei (cut-paper, symbolizing divinity, hung on a wooden holder) in her hand. As Ichibei prayed to God, the Foundress sud denly changed in appearance and became solemn. Ichibei asked, ’What god are you?’ ’Ten no Shogun!* (The Highness of Heaven) was the reply delivered through the mouth of Miki. This reply seemed so strange that he asked again, ’Are you a star of Heaven?* The answer was, ’I am the true and orig inal God. I have predestination to this residence. Now I am descended from heaven to save all human beings. I want to take Miki as Tsuki-Hi no Yashiro (Shrine of God, see the trial translation of Ten- rikyo Holy Text).’ They answered, * Since Miki is a housewife with many chores to attend, we beg you to look for someone who can work for you.’ Miki * s next words were, ’I command that you accept the will of God. ’ Upon conference, they again refused, but Kajidai is the name given to the shamanistic woman who mediates the words of deity through the perfor mance of prayer by another priest. During the performance i she is in a state of being possessed by spell. During the old days, such prayers were performed by mountaineer I priests. For details, refer to Yamazawa, op. cit., Vol. VI, pp. 1 3-1 8. I ^ ^2--- she repeated, ’Refuse me not, for I will not retire. It is the sincere wish of God to save the men in the world. Your anxieties are natural, but you will understand twenty or thirty years later. * They again refused saying, ’Twenty or thirty years is a long time.* Then like a thunder another voice was heard: * If you do not accept, not only this house but this land will also perish.* Thus she spent another day without food or sleep* In the early morning of next day, fearing for her health, Zenbei personally came to her and told God, * I will accept your request and will leave everything to you. * Then, suddenly as she said, * I am satisfied,* her physical tension was gone. And with this all the sufferings of Miki, Zenbei, and Shuji also disappeared. This was approximately eight o’clock in the morning of October 26, I8 3 9. . . . The vivid intercourse of man and unseen reality can be seen in this quotation. In the few paragraphs quoted above, the inevitable processes are clearly indi cated by the revelations. This intercommunication with the unseen reality takes place under a certain psychic atmos phere presenting a series of inconceivable coincidental events. Such a revelation may appear similar in many re spects to that of shamanism.However, there are differ ences from that of the naive mystical experiences of Yamazawa, op. cit.. Vol. VI, pp. 19-43* (Writer’s translation}^ Considering the nature of the situation, Kiyoto Puruno regards the revelation as a sort of shamanism. For detail, see Kiyoto Furuno, "Tenrikyo," Gendai Shuha Shinto Galsetsu (Outline of Present Sectarian Shinto). ^— — .. i shamanism, which are seen in many sects of Japanese popular religious cults. If this were a mere shamanistic mysti cism, this religion probably would not have developed in later periods, and the revelation would not have appeared repeatedly throu^out the remainder of her life. Thou^ she was placed under the spell by the naive shamanism called Ka.1i-Kito and received her first unforeseeable reve lation, it is customary to consider the message from God as an objective fact of history brought about not only by her own character and her environmental conditions but also by the three important moments which are Kyoso Tamashii no Innen, Tenkei no Tokishun, and Basho no Innen. These three moments, soul, time, and place, are further translated into the following: Soul: Causation dwelling in the soul of the Foundress. Time: Causation dwelling in the time of the revelation; Place: Causation dwelling in the place, Jiba. The first of these moments implies that God through the vehicle of her body manifests Himself and may be under stood as the idea of mediatress. The second implies that God appeared in this world at a certain time. This is j I parallel to the Christian concept of "the fullness of time." i The third is an idea characteristically Tenrikyo’s. This j * implies that God created human beings at JIba. and } lA therefore this is the native place of mankind. This mi^t be called a medium between this world and the transcen dental world. It may also be an instrument of God to reveai. his identity to the world of His creation. The Tenrikyo faith is based on these three moments in their essence. The three moments are regarded as the highest holy reali ties. The following quotation on the three moments is from the Qfudesaki. SOUL: Jiba is indeed the native place of all human beings. And I am their Parent. (F VI 55) The reason why both Sun and Moon descend from heaven and reveal the truth through My mouth is To teach human beings any and everything since I have made certain of them. (F VI 56) Their real intention is To borrow my body as Their abode. (F VI 57) TIME: Hitherto you have been treading along such a mono tous long way. You must have been tired of it. (P I 55) But now there appears on your way such a trustworthy worshipping place as this. You shall be satisfied with it. (F I 56) Now I will expatiate on the long way You have passed since creation. (F I 57) PLACE: You call this place the Kamigata (the Holy Abode) of Jiba (the native place of all human beings), But you do not know why. (F I 4) --------------------- Because of the fact that man was created at Jiba, I, God the Parent, descend here from heaven. (P IV 54) IV. INTRODUCTION OF THE TEACHING As seen in the religious experiences of both prim itive and more advanced religions, here also is the typical process of the rise of man into a transcendental world through negation. God manifested Himself in this world through Miki, while Miki, as a human being, negated herself to the Will of God through personal tension. It is not a mere mystical ecstasy. It is a vivid experience of God-man identity. Thus, Miki’s mystical experience formed the im- i portant seed in Tenrikyo bringing three characteristic con- i f I cepts, which shall be referred to as the mediating symbol | I I hereafter. I This mystical experience never ceased after her first revelation and continuously appeared throu^out the re- | I mainder of her life. And her personal experiences of God- j man identity became her underlying principle of life as a | prophetic religionist, leading her continuously toward missionary work. I For the remaining fifty years of her life, the i Foundress faced persecution from outside (the government I and society) and conflict with her own disciples caused by | " ' "■ ' ■ I..». . I — « ■ ■ ■ ■ III.IM I I !■■ ■ ! » ■■ I . U t - fclllH ll.. ...11,11 — j their difficulty in choosing between God and the more simple path to social acceptance. After she became Kami no < Yashiro. G o d required her, as a first step, to become poor materially. She began generously to give all her be longings to the poor and needy. Thus, the wealthy Nakayama family lost all its properties. Neighbors thought her in sane, and Zenbei tried to have Miki awakened from her pos sessed condition of such unreasonable devotion. However, the more he tried, the more firmly she repeated that it was the intention of God. After the sale of their mansion, the Nakayama family were poverty-stricken. In this poverty, her husband, Zenbei, died in January of sixth year of Kaei (1853)> when Miki was fifty-six years old. In the same year, after his death, the Foundress sent Kokanko, the youngest daughter, to Naniwa (Osaka) to preach the gospel with a few earnest disciples. . . . Kokanko stood at almost every street corner and shouted at the top of her voice, ’Tenri-o-no- mikoto. The God of Tenri, the holiest of the holy.’ She, in that manner, tried to scatter the sacred fragrance of the gospel among the people. . . .22 Kami no Yashiro is a characteristic term of Tenrikyo. It means shrine of God indicating that Miki became God Himself. 22 Masuno, o£. cit., p. 119. This was really the first trial at missionary work and the beginning of Tenrikyo expansion. During these days her family was so poor that they had nothing left to eat in the house, but she encouraged her son Shuji and her daughter Kokanko, telling them, "When we drink water, we can taste the water. There are many people in this world who can neither eat nor drink because they are ill. When we re flect upon it we can be happy and cheerful and thank God for giving us water and our health." She performed unusual healings of sicknesses of all kinds.She tau^t the people that the true cause of sickness was in the mind and that man's outer manifestation 23 Ikoma, 0£. cit., p. 26. (Writer's translation) In her later life, when she was treated with respect and veneration, she often remembered her past struggle against poverty and used to say," In my old home not a rat was left.'' These few words are enou^ to show how great her suffering was. gee Masuno, 0£. cit., p. 116. 2 4 Among many healings, that of child birth and smallpox are prominent. She gave charms for those who were suffering. They were called Obiya Yurushi (birth charm) and Hoso no Yurushi (charm for smallpox). In her days, child birth was a serious thing to most women. Therefore, whenever women sensed difficulties they turned to magic. Smallpox was a dreaded disease and fatal to most people for Jenner's vaccination was yet to be popularly used. There were many magic and charms to cure smallpox, such as puttirg a gohei on a sambo (a small wooden stand) and leaving it on the road, or writing the words, Tametomo Oyado (residence of Tametomo, who was a famous warrior) and putting it on the door of their house. For details, see Yamazawa, op. cit.. Vol. Ill, pp. 6 7-6 8; Vol. XIV, pp. 2 0-3 8. ------------ i | . 8 was nothing hut a shadow of the mind. This message brought an epoch of enli^tenment to the people. The events which took place during these days seemed to be an introductory mission of teaching to the outsiders taho had no understand ing of the intention of God. It was natural that the people thought her a possessed woman because she exhibited unusual charity and strange behavior. However, the many healings she performed with her teaching brou^t a constant message to the people who had no firm way of living, re flecting the social turmoil of the day. Beginning with Miki herself, the teaching was about to spread from village to village, and town to town. V. PERSECUTION However, serious persecution followed this expan sion of missionary work. It was in the second year of Keio ( 1 8 6 6)^^ that the itinerant priest of Fudoin (name of a temple) came to Miki accompanied by many samurai and demonstrated violent aggression. She calmly sat down and smiled at them, chanting Namu-Tenri-0-no^Mikoto . Until this event Miki's recitation of the name of God was ex pressed in the term of Tenri-0-no-Mikoto. After this, her 25 See Ikoma, o£. cit., p. 33? Masuno, o£. cit., 127. prayer changed and became Ashikl o harai, Tasuka tamae Tenr 1 -0-no-Hikoto (Evil being swept away. Save us, God the Parent, Tenri-O-no-Mikoto). She also taught Mikagurauta (Dancing Psalms) and Teodori (Hand Dance) and began writing Qfudesaki (Tip of Writing Brush). Almost at the same time that M i k i finished the com position of the Psalms, Moriya C h i k u z e n , 2 7 the supervisor of the shrine in the Yamato district, came and put various questions to M i k i . He was impressed by her personality and recommended her to get an official sanction for the mission, Thou^ she did not see the necessity of it, Shuji went to Kyoto with Yamazawa, one of the disciples. He obtained a recommendation from the district lord and applied for an official sanction for the mission at the office of the Yoshida household in whose hand the administrative author ity of all religious matters had been laid. Tenrikyo was sanctioned as a mission on the twenty-third day of July in the third year of Keio (1867)*^^ 26 g00 later explanation in Chapter IV. 27 Refer to Ikoma, o£. cit.. p. 33; Masuno, op. cit., p. 127# 2^ Ikoma, op. cit., p. 34# In the following year, the restoration of the Im- » perial regime brought about a social revolution and the . sanction which was given to Tenrikyo lost its validity. Miki did not concern herself with the loss of sanction and j kept up her missionary work. In l8?2, by the order of God, she fasted for seventy-five days.2^ She had previously fasted for thirty days in August of 1865*^^ The intentions of these fastings were not clearly recorded. However, this trial was significant enough to bring the superhuman im pression to the people. ... On the both occasions she took not a morsel of food except a little water from the earthen pot on the altar. But by the protection of God as well as by her strong faith she kept the same vitality without causing any weakness both mentally and physically. Sometimes she actually did some hard work during the fasting to show the power of God and faith. . . .31 In 1 8 7 3» she ordered Izo Iburi to make a model of K a n r o d a i 3 2 from wood. Though it is quite strange to an Ibid., p. 3 8; Masuno, pp. cit., p. I3I 30 Ikoma, pp. cit., p. 3 8? Masuno, pp. cit., p. I 3I. 31 Masuno, pp. cit., p. 131* 32 Kanrodai is the name given to the stand which I was built at the place of Jiba. The present Kanrodai is the model made of wood and consists of ten segments. Each j segment symbolizes each manifestation of God. See later ■ explanation on the ten manifestations of Tenri God. ----- outsider, the placement of Kanrodai brought the symbol of the eternal place in more articulate form than told to fol lowers by Miki before. The following year she put on a ' scarlet kimono and said, "What do you think of this scarlet dress? This dress holds the Sun and Moon within it." (F VI 6 3) By wearing the scarlet dress, Miki seemed to differentiate herself from the ordinary women, and impress ed the followers at the same time that she behaved more divinely than before. Though this brought strange feelings to outsiders, the followers thought her the real living shrine of God. Soon after this, she determined the center I of Jiba by a revelation. It was located in the compound of the Nakayama residence. ... On that day she let many believers walk about here and there in the compound of the Nakayama- ground and wonderful to say, when they came to a certain spot, they all stuck fast to the spot and could not in any way wrench themselves away. That spot was decided to be the holiest of holy and the Holy Stand for the Dew of Life, was placed on that spot. . . .33 About this time she began to emphasize the Kagura- zutome (Holy Service) giving the instructions to the dis- I ciples for Holy Dancing in which both men and women parti- j cipated. The performance of this Holy Service shocked the I 33 Masuno, op. cit., p. 132. ------------------- eyes of outsiders as a fanatic dance of eroticism. Under the influence of feudalism, prevailing social consciousness was that man was superior to woman, and it was popularly accepted that boys and girls should be seated separately upon becoming seven years old. To share the sacred place without discrimination of sex was a strange thing to the people. Miki's teaching emphasized the equality of man and woman based on human dignity as d;ated in the poem, ". • . I I do not make any discrimination whatever between man and I I woman." (P VII 21) She tau^t this Holy Dance as the I 1 heartfelt expression of joyfulness in union with God. The , fdUowers performed in their utmost sincerity to God, fol- , i lowing Miki' s example. Thus the persecutions were more I heavily given to Tenrikyo from outsiders for the strange dancing which was a quite natural thing to express for the followers. These events accelerated the expansion of the Tenrikyo religion over Japan. People crowded Tambaichi (or 0jiba, as popularly called from the name Jiba), and the disciples redoubled their efforts at missionary work whenever they faced ob- I 8truetions. Thus, Kosha (fraternities) which originated I about the thirteenth year of Meiji (l88o) in various dis- I tricts numbered more than thirty when Tenrikyo again won I its official sanction as a mission in the twenty-first — — ----------------------------------^ ----- 53 year of Meiji (1888)3^ from the government. To accommodate the increasing number of followers throughout the country many hotels and Jinrikisha pools were established along the road from Kyoto and Osaka to 0jiba. However, the interferences and the pressures of the government officials were increasing and made public worship difficult for followers from other places# Many of them worshipped in secrecy, and others returned home without entering the sanctuary. The followers* only con cern was to get an official sanction which was almost as difficult as to realize a dream. They finally decided to 8-Pply for an official sanction at Osaka in December of the fourteenth year of Meiji (l88l),^^ but the application was j not accepted. Again, an application by the name, Tenrin- Q-Sha. was made in May of the seventeenth year of Meiji ( 1 8 8 3),^^ which was again rejected* Thus they repeatedly applied for sanction of the district Kosha but were refused 34 Ikoma, op. cit.. pp. 7O-7I. According to Tatsuo Saito, the approximate date of the earliest form of Kosha I was founded in about the year 1875# See Tatsuo Saito, "Kyokaishi no Kubun ni tsuite," (On the Periodic Division 1 in Church History) Tenr iky ogaku Kenkyu, Vol. VIII, p. 5- . 35 Ibid.. p. 72. I 3° Ikoma, loc. clt. — ^ each time. The only result of these efforts was more fre quent interferences from the police authority. In April of the eighteenth year, an application was made in the Osaka Prefecture in order to facilitate the supervision of thirty-odd Kosha and the ever-increasing followers, but it was also refused. Finally in that same year, an applica tion for sanction was made to the Shinto Honkyoku. j The following year officials of Shinto Honkyoku visited Miki and learned the true features of Tenrikyo and its real value. They recommended that the disciples be under the administration of Daishinkyokai, tdiich belonged j to the Shinto Honkyoku, until sanction by government could I be obtained.37 j However, the Meiji government was very strict in j regard to the problem of unification of thought. Under the governmental supervision Tenrikyo was persecuted as a I superstitious cult, which acquires followers by healing, j although its real motivation is to cleanse the mind of the people by Makoto-Shinjitsu (sincerity) aiming at the ideal ' Kingdom of God. To avoid these persecutions and to be accepted by j I the government, some disciples tried to petition for ! i I ------------------^ ---------------- j 37 Loc. cit. I ......................................... 55“- changing the name of Tenrikyo to Tenrin-Q-Kosha, Tenri-0- Hyoral,or other names so that Tenrikyo mi^t belong to a certain Buddhistic temple, -fâiereby escaping persecution.3® However, Miki opposed such a petition, regarding it as disobedience to the God's Will. She continually urged her followers toward the realization of the Will of God in spite of persecution. V. THE COMING OF GREAT EXPANSION When Miki was ninety years old, she began to show a sign of physical disturbance. The disciples worried over her physical condition, finally asked the Foundress why she was ill. Her answer was Tasuke-zutome no Seklkomi (Hasten ing of Holy Service for salvation, an important ritual of Tenrikyo). On the twenty-fifth day of January, in I8 8 7, her condition changed, and she told her disciples that the most important moment was approaching. She told of her possible retirement from this world explaining that it 3® The endeavor to escape from persecution was started by Shuji Nakayama in September, I8 8 0. Tenrikyo was affiliated under the Chifuku Temple of Mt. Kongo. Since then, the name, Tenrikyo, has been changed to a Buddhistic name very often. For details, see Tomoharu Takano, ”Ten- rin-0-Kosha Meibo Chosa Hokoku," (Report on the Name List of Tenrin-0-Fraternity), Fukugen, Vol. V, pp. 28-73; Vol. XI, pp. 1 9-4 7. 56 would be better for her followers, because the persecution by officials was caused by her presence. The reason for her retirement was to urge the followers to realize Tasuke- zutome by relieving the dilemma of her disciples caught be tween service to God, which brings persecution on the Foundress, and obedience to law, which means neglecting their duty to God* In other words, obedient as they were to the orders of the Foundress, they could not by any means break the law laid by the police authority. She finally demanded an answer from her disciples saying: • • • The time will come when I tread out into the level. Shall I level the world with the doors of my shrine opened? Or shall I do it with the doors shut? (S 20-1-25) This was not completely understood by the disciples and they impLoied God to protect them with the doors of His shrine open because they simply thought opening the doors sounded more merry and cheerful than shutting them. She answered, "Behold! The doors of my shrine are now opened; a change has come to all that is on earth." (S 20-1-25) In the early morning of the next day, January 26, when the disciples asked about Tsutome (service), she answered, "Why do you haste so much? Which is more important, God or the law? Do not ask me of it any more. Try to make Kagura-zutome urgently." (8 20-1-26) They, therefore. ------------------------------------------------57--- performed Kagura-zutome earnestly around the wooden Kanrodai. Miki died in Kyusokusho (resting place) with her head to ward north and facing west, contented to hear the perfor mance of her disciples and with a sweet smile playing around her mouth. It was January 26th of the twentieth year of Meiji (I8 8 7). The followers were astonished at the death of Miki and they bec*ame confused. However, it was told by Izo Iburi that the death of the Foundress was not a mere death, but the temporary retirement from this world for the sake of protecting the followers from the controversial situa tion of God and the law.39 The death of the Foundress was symbolized by the followers as the hope for the coming Kingdom of God, and thus became a seed of continuous striv ing for the ideal world. Contrary to their expectation, however, the perse cution did not cease and the disciples became weary of missionary work. Even the memorial service for the Foun dress in the following year was stopped by police officials. However, on the day after the memorial service, God spoke to the followers throu^ the mouth of Izo Iburi, the first disciple, and encouraged them. 39 2-2)._____ For details, see Qsashizu, (S 20-2-18), (S 20- ......... 58--- The buds come out from knots. The buds will come out from such turmoil. . . . Everyone will begin to come here to hear the real way. Branches come out from one. Do not worry. Buds will grow up into big brances. (S 21-3-9) Encouraged by this message, the disciples made another ap plication for sanction on April 6. It was accepted by the Tokyo Prefecture on April 10. Thus, Tenrikyo was offi cially accepted as a mission but as a religion subjected to Shinto. The name then given to Tenrikyo was Shinto Chokkatsu Tenrikyokai (Tenrikyo Church, under the direct control of Shinto)• Thou^ accepted by the government, Tenrikyo was not only conditioned to limit its work but also was obliged to propagate the belief in accordance with Shinto implica tions.^^ Thus the government still suppressed the reli gion in a practical sense, and the people, regarding Ten rikyo as a heretical religion or paganism, persecuted the religion more heavily. It was about this time that Himitsu Kunrei (the secret order of suppression) was issued from the (Cabinet. The following is the translation of this secret order. 40 For details, see Saito, o£. cit.. pp, 6-8. Saito indicates this situation by showing the regulations of Tenrikyo Church during those days. ...................... ^ -: -------------------: --------_^9 In recent days, Tenrikyo has been gathering in a shrine men and women to instruct them to conduct themselves in a manner disturbing to public morals; it is influencing the ignorant people by giving holy water and charms and eventually prohibiting the use of medicine; it is making the people contribute to the church. Such tendencies are growing rapidly throughout the coi^try. It is an urgent necessity to suppress this religion through the investigation by police in public or in secret. . . . Violation of the law must be punished in a proper manner and the police regulation must be strictly enforced.^ The order from the government was based on misunderstanding in regarding this religion as nothing other than a super stitious cult. However, the followers were outnumbering those of other religions at this time. Thus the new re ligion was absorbing many followers from other religious sects, who were tired of being members of a lifeless tra ditional religion. The criticisms from the Buddhists and the intellectual class were serious enou^ to brand Tenri kyo as a dangerous movement of the day. These oppositions were more or less emotional, and thus many publications Kensel Yoshikawa, Minister of Interior Affairs, "Article Ko No. 12, April 6, I8 9 6," Saito o£. clt., p. lOl (Writer's translation) In the Japanese Constitution, re ligious freedom was established as follows: 'Japanese subjects shall, within limits not prejudicial to peace and order, and not antagnoistic to their duties as subject, enjoy freedom of re ligious life.' Article XXVIII. For details, see G. H. , Religion in Japan, p. 128. Of. footnote 34 in Chapter II. - made in opposition were not written under the light of historical judgment. They were mostly polemical books which presented a striking contrast to the teaching of Tenrikyo.^ However, the disciples and followers took these heavy per secutions as the trials given by God for further encourage ment. During these days, the Tenrikyo mission began to spread throu^out the Japanese land (from I888 to 1895) snd to foreign soils, Poruiosa in 1897, China in 1902, and Korea in 1 9 0 4*^^ Thus the independence of Tenrikyo as one de nomination was brou^t about on November 27, 1908, the forty-first year of Meiji. Briefly, this period may be called the preliminary history of Tenrikyo. As indicated in Chapter II, Tenrikyo appeared in the days of social turmoil and spread parallel to the great change of Japan, vhleh was becoming a member 42 D. C. Greene presents an Interesting view con cerning several publications opposed to Tenrikyo by showing short comments on each. For details, see D. C. Greene, "Tenrikyo," Transactions of Asiatic Society of Japan, Vol. XXIII, pp. 2 6-2 7. ITso a detailed list of these publica tions can be found in G. Kato, Shinto Shoseki Mokuroku (A Bibliography of Shinto), p. 491. S. Nakayama, Tenrikyo Dendosha ni K^suru Chosa (Survey on Tenrikyo Missionaries), pp. 270-274# He dis cusses the expansion of Tenrikyo with reference to the in crease of persecution. For further information on Tenrikyo expansion to foreign soils, see pp. 265-276. - - 61 of the world in many respects. After the Meiji Restoration, the social condition was becoming settled and the seeds of imperialism and nationalism were growing in the soil of the Meiji Constitution of I8 8 9. The Tenrikyo religion had been started fifty years earlier by the wife of a farmer and had spread among the more or less uneducated farming class through faith-healing, which was the most appealing phase of this religion to the common people. The teaching ap peared to be a movement of universal ism based on the brotherhood of mankind and aiming at the establishment of the Kingdom of God. This movement naturally brought severe antagonism from the upper class, urgently wishing to es tablish the national unity. Based on such environmental factors, the socio-religious conflict was unavoidable for Tenrikyo as many examples have shown in the past centuries. However, it was only a matter of time from the Tenrikyo viewpoint for such persecution to come to an end. The vigorous faith-activity had not only continued but also led this religion to become the most successful among the many sects which arose in the same period. CHAPTER IV SCRIPTURES After Miki Nakayama introduced the teaching of God by the name Tenrikyo, she devoted her life completely to ward her sacred mission for the salvation of the people. She tried earnestly to make the people understand this re ligion, by showing idiat her followers regard as many mirac ulous works of God so that the people might more easily understand the Will of God, although doing so brought per secutions from the civil authorities. As shown in Chapter III, Miki started the composition of the beautiful poems by revelation to give the disciples courage to endure per secution. At the same time she began to teach her disciples about God. These scriptures, written in poetic form, are called Mikagurauta and Qfudesaki. Following these, another scripture, Osashizu,was begun by Miki and continued, after her death, by Honseki (True Seat, title of second mediator) who was Izo Iburi. « These three scriptures are regarded as the most important original documents of Tenrikyo Doctrine. Other existing writings used as text are Doroumikoki, which is the story of creation, and Tenrikyo Kyoten, which was published ^ — recently by the Central Church. Following are the explana tions of these scriptures. I. MÎKAGURAUTA Mikagurauta consists of Kanrodaizutome-no-TJta (Psalms for Kanrodai service) and Tec dor i-no-IJ ta (Psalms for Holy Dance) composed of a Jyoka (Prologue) and twelve sections. Mikagurauta can be literally translated as follows: & prefix expressing respect; kagura,sacred dance for the pleasure of God; uta, song or poem. The term "kagura" seems to have been taken from a usage which 1 refers to a Shinto ritualism. According to Izumoji, kagura in Shinto is a ritual in the form of a dance symbol izing Mitamafuri (ritual of removing the old spirit and replacing the new spirit), and also is a ritual to pacify 1 The kagura in Shinto is traced back to the mytho logical age. It is said that its origin is found in the entertaining service held in front of the closed gate of Ama-no-Iwato (gate of Heavenly Cave) to charm forth Ama- terasu-O-Mikami, Sun Goddess, who had concealed herself in that cave. At the time Futodama-no-Mikoto made the perfor mance of prayer and the witty Goddess Ame-no-Hzume-no- Mikptp, by performing a comic dance at the entrance of the cave, succeeded in enticing the Goddess out of her hiding place, according to Kojiki, Nihon Shoki, and Kogo Shui. The kagura later developed into two categories; namely, Naishidokoro-Mikagura (originated from Fu to dama-no -Miko to ) and S a to -kagura ( originated from Ame -no -H zume -no -Miko to). The former developed as a court ritual and the latter, as a drama among the people. For details, refer to Yoshikazu Izumoji. Kogaku no Shinzui (Essence of Ancient Music), -pp-— ----------------------------------------------------------- ------------------------------------------- the spirit.^ This kaRura was performed on memorial days in any shrine dedicated to God. It seems that the Foundress simply adopted the term "kagura” for the psalms she introduced with musical accom paniment* However, in Tenrikyo the term implies the union of God and man and the purification of the human mind by the performance of kagura. As a religion born from the social need, it is natural that the Foundress used a term which was common among the people of her days* This simi larity of terms used in Tenrikyo and that employed by Shinto, thus, does not imply similarity of meaning. Con sidering the preceding explanations, the most appropriate English translation for Mikagurauta is Holy Dancing Psalms. This Hikagurauta first appeared in a very simple sentence, shortly after the violent invasion of the itin erant priests of Fudoin Temple in Koizumi-mura. It was the second year of Keio (1866). This simple sentence was an elaboration on the original name of God, Tenri-O-no-Mikoto * which appeared several times through Miki*s mouth. Revela tions before 1866 contained the name, Tenri-0-no-Hikoto (0 August King of the Heavenly Reason). After 1066, revelation progressed to Ashiki haroute tasuke tamae, 2 Ibid., pp. 27-28. r ‘ 1 Tenri-Q-no-Mikoto (Evil being swept away. Save us, God the Parent, Tenri-0-no-Miko to)• In the following year, l86?, Miki taught the Psalms and Holy Dance for seven months, from January through August. After the completion of the Psalms and Holy Dance, in the third year of Meiji (I8 7 0), she added Kanrodaizutome- no-TJta and Jyoka, the latter consisting of eight psalms. Jyoka appears to be a condensation of the essentials of Tenrikyo teachings, since similar verses appear in the be ginning of Qfudesaki. Later, when the location of Jiba was decided in l875> she added another psalm to Kanrodai- zu tome -no -Hta. This added psalm was changed when Kanro- dai was taken away by the police in 1882. Psalm as made in 18752 Ashiki o harai tasuke tamai, Ichiretsu sumasu Kanrodai. (Evil being swept away, save us, Kanrodai which purifies the human mind.) Psalm as changed in 1882: Ashiki o harai tasuke sekikomu, Ichiretsu sumashite Kanrodai. (Evil being swept away, I hasten to save you all ; When all the world is purified, Kanrodai may be wrought. ) The difference brought an important change in the teaching. The former poem indicates that Kanrodai is for purification of the human mind. The latter indicates that — . true Kanrodai should he established after the complete purification of the human mind. Thus, Kanrodai became an idealistic symbol of the Tenrikyo movement. In addition to these, other psalms concerning prayer for birth, prayer for rain and for other occasions were tau^t.3 However, these are not performed today be cause of their special nature# Thus, approximately seven teen years were spent to complete the Mikagurauta. These psalms appear to be the expression of her religious life and a record of persecutions. Thou^ these psalms are written in poetic form (letter groupings of 5, 7> 5> 1» 5)» they are composed in such a simple way that anyone can understand them. No abstract subjects are spoken of or used as examples. They are written concretely, and exanç)les are taken from our daily life. The terms used in the psalms are very popular and allegorical. Following are the terms frequently used in the psalms. Ashiki o harau . Kanrodai . . . . Tasuke ichijyo . Jiba no Kamigata Hinokishin • Yokizutome Sanzai kokoro To sweep evil away . Vessel for sweet dew , Sincere way of salvation . Holy Abode of Jiba . Daily service . Cheerful service . The three year old* s mind 3 The rituals for these prayers had been performed only at the Central Church and, thus, had not been publicized. 67 Hi to su ji gokoro . . . ♦ Earnestness Yamai no mo to wa kokorokara ...... Root of illness is in the mind Den ji A rice field Daiku...............A carpenter The following are the basic topics into which the psalms can be classified. 1. God is the saviour of mankind. 2. Man shall not reach the hipest goal (highest good or virtue) without receiving the Grace of God. 3* This world is the world for peace. 1 } . . Sickenss and suffering are the results of dust in our heart. 5. Relief is possible through faith. 6. The Kingdom of God will be realized through the continuous endeavour of purifying our heart toward God, the ultimate goal. The following translation is based on three sources, S. Iwai,^ D. C. Greene, and P. E. Eckel, with reference to the original scripture. With regard to the interpretation of each psalm, the writer has relied heavily on the view of Yoshinari Uyeda.-? ^ Sonjin Iwai, "Dancing Psalm," Masuno, Tenrikyo, pp. 1 5 0-1 7 6. 5 Yoshinari TTyeda, "Mikagurauta Chushaku, Ko an" (Trial Interpretation of Mikagurauta), Fukugen, Vol. VI, pp. i i . I 1 . - 7i 4 - . --- PSAMS FOR THE KANRODAI SERVICE Evil being swept away. Save us, God the Parent, Tenri-O-no-Mikoto Let me speak a few words I Listen to your Parent, As I never speak falsely. Modeling after the Heaven and the Earth, I create husband and wife. This is the dawn of life. Evil being swept away, I hasten to save you all; When all the world is purified, Kanrodai,7 the Nectar Vessel, may be wrought. PSALMS FOR HOLY DANCE Jyoka (Prologue) Though 1 have looked over the world since creation, I find no one who understands My heart. So it should be, for you have never been told. It is not strange that you know not. Now I, God the Parent, appear before the world. And teach you everything thoroughly. Here, the Jiba of Yamato, the residence of God, Though you speak of it, yet you know naught about its origin. Greene translated this part literally as follows: "0 August King of the Heavenly Principle." However, it seems better to use the Tenrikyo expression as translation does not produce the full implication of the word. ^ Greene uses "Mound of the sweet dew," however, the writer used the original expression as Iwai did. 69 Whoever understands the origin of Creation Will yearn for this place. If you wish to hear, come to Me; I will teach you About the origin of all things. When I, your Parent, appear and explain all things. The whole world will rejoice. As I am in haste to save you all, I urge all the hearts in the world to rejoice. Psalm I (Hito Kudari Me) Firstly.^ Fertilizer, the Gift^ of the New Year. Oh ! how wo nderful ! Secondly. Smiles accompany the Gift from Me; Oh I how blissfulI Thirdly. A three-year-old heart^^ you must keep o These psalms are composed in the style of counting song. The first letter of numbers, firstly, secondly, e t c. *, corresponds to the first letter of the poems in the original* scripture, but in this translation the writer has placed an emphasis on accuracy of interpretation,rather than of style. 9 This is called Koye-no-Sazuke. Upon offering san go (approximately one pint) of rice-bran, san go of ashes, and san go of earth before God, Koye-no-Sazuke had been re ceived. When this was used, the soil became rich and fer tile. This gift had been received from around the first year of Ganji (1861;.). It is not used today. See Uyeda, op. cit., p. i j . ? . This is Sanzai Kokoro, a term used in Tenrikyo to mean pure, obedient, and virtuous heart, as the heart of a three-year-old child. However, this does not imply the childish heart, which may be called the animistic stage of the heart. Rather, it means the artless or pureness of heart reflecting religious consciousness as a personal attitude toward God. w Fourthly. Fifthly. Sixthly. Seventhly- Eighthly. Ninthly. Tenthly. n The fortune of prosperous crops comes to you. Flooding all with its benefit. All things will be produced without limit. Sow whatever you wish to reap. Full harvest will you enjoy throughout Yamato. Now come and follow Me here. Thus our goal of harvest is fixed. Psalm II (Puta Kudari Me) Tap, tap, tap, to begin the dance at the New Year, Oh! how delightful. Secondly. As we begin the miraculous building. How merry we become. Thirdly. Fourthly. Fifthly. Sixthly. Seventhly. Eighthly. Ninthly. Then everything is your own. Flourishing is the world that you beget. If you intend to follow Me, The root of rebellions will be cut off. If you relieve the distressed. The root of diseases will be cut off. If the hearts of people are firm. In this line, the term"yo no naka" is used. This yo ^ naka is a provincial term of Yamato, meaning I prosperous crops. The difference should be noted between j the provincial term and the standard Japanese term meaning I society or world. Greene and Eckel used the standard mean- I ing. See Greene, op. cit., p. 50; Eckel, op. cit., p. i j . ? . “ 71 Tenthly. Then comes golden peace wherever you are Firstly. Secondly. Thirdly. Fourthly. Fifthly. Sixthly. Seventhly, Eighthly. Ninthly. Psalm III (Mi Kudari Me) Holy S h o y a s h i k i ^ 2 ©f Hinomoto (the Sun* s native ground), The place of Service, is the foundation of the world. Oh I such a mysterious place of Service, I have never asked anyone to build. All the world come together and help Its building ever mysterious. As you have patiently followed Me thus far. So will true deliverance now begin. / Forever being scoffed at and slandered. Still I give you wondrous delj^er^ance. / Refrain from asking unreasonable requests. Come in simplicity of heart. Whatever may be, from this time forth, in simplicity. Lean on your Parent and thus proceed. There is nothing so painful as disease; I also will perform Hinokishin.-*--^ Thou^ I have hitherto worshipped Thee, Till now I did not know Thee as the Original God. 12 Shoyashiki was formerly the mansion of the Naka- yama family. Later by revelation it became the holy place, Hinokishin means the daily devotion and the sacred labor service. It also implies the performance of daily labor in practical life. All labor performed is re garded as a service to God according to Tenrikyo. See later explanation in Chapter VII. 72 Tenthly. Firstly. Secondly. Thirdly. Fourthly. Fifthly. Sixthly. Seventhly. Fifthly. Ninthly. , The God who now reveals Himself Is the true God without dispute Psalm IV (Yo Kudari Me) Whatever people may say to slander, God the Parent watches over you, be at peace. So, both of you,pacify your hearts. Everything then will become clear to you. All of you who are around, look at Me, Behold the working, the doing of God! Night and day we serve lustily and loudly. It may be noisy and troublesome for those around us. For I am in haste to save you all. Quickly, be glad of heart. I long to save the villagers. But they cannot understand. Since life is made up of mutual help. Meditate deeply in your heart. The root of disease is cleared away; The heart becomes joyous. This is the very paradise of our world; I also would desire to live there. According to Uyeda, "Both of you" implies hearts of husband and wife. Uyeda, op. cit., p. Bk* Eckel * s translation shows the relation of Parent and man. Eckel, op. cit., p. i i - 8 . In the original, it is simply Futari or two persons. Thus, Uyeda*s interpretation is given prefer ence here. Greene uses hearts of two, indicating to be understood as an exhortation to conjugal harmony. Greene, op.cit.a p. 5 2. Iwai shows husband and wife in a foot note. Iwai, pp. cit.. p. 1 6 0. Tenthly. Firstly. Secondly. Thirdly. Fourthly. Fifthly. Sixthly. Seventhly. Eighthly. H inthly, 15 73 Now from within, my heart has become purified; How grateful I sm! Psalm V (Itsu Kudari Me) As this world is wide. There may be other places where you can obtain deliverance. A wondrous way is here ; The Gift of painless child birth and protection from smallpox, I tender you. Water and God are alike; Both wash away filth and stain. There is no man without avarice. But in the presence of God, avarice disappears. However long you keep your devotion. Bright and cheerful you will always be. Free entirely your heart of cruelty; Come to God with a gentle heart. No hard service is exacted; This is the sole place of urgent deliverance. It is not in Yamato alone. But in every corner of the earth that I reach , out to save. Here is the original Home of this world; A wondrous place has been revealed. Since you come to believe in Me, , Why not unite and form a fraternity ^5 This line does not begin with a numeral. In Iwai*8 translation, this is expressed by the term "brotherhood." Iwai, pp. cit., p. 162. However, the term "Ko" in the original scripture means fraternity. Greene and Eckel * s translations do not give the original meaning. Ik Psalm VI (Mu Kudari Me) Firstly. Secondly. Thirdly• Fourthly. Fifthly. Sixthly. Seventhly Fifthly. Ninthly. Tenthly. The heart of man Is so prompt to suspect. Since I give wondrous deliverance. Whatever the deed, I see throu^ all. All that is in the innermost heart of the world Is reflected in Me as in a mirror. You have indeed done well to follow My service; This is the very source of deliverance. Always the sacred singing and dancing are per formed; Wondrous deliverance will follow. You come with all sorts of requests. In a thousand ways I fulfill them. However deeply devoted you are to Me, You must not commit indiscretions. Still you must be devoted. And if you make a mistake, renew your devotion. Since you have been devoted this far. You must see the fruits thereof. Now at last it is revealed. The invocation with a f anl « --This is the miracle, 17 This is the religious performance with a fan in idiich a certain symbol appears indicating the answer to the question put forth to God. The performance was granted only to very sincere disciples by the Foundress from the first year of Ganji (iBôi^.). This is not performed today. Refer to TTyeda, op. pit., p. 59. 75 Psalm VII (Nana Kudari Me) Firstly. Secondly • Thirdly. Fourthly. Fifthly. Sixthly. Seventhly Eighthly. Ninthly. Tenthly. To speak one word sincerely is Hinokishin. It simply diffuses the fragrance from Heaven. Since the profound thought is in Me, Do not attempt to discourage Me. Throughout the world there is no one Who does not desire fertile land. If there be good land, with one accord. All desire it, do they not? Everyone without distinction will say, I desire such land. I do not command the people and say, "Do thisj* or "Do that," The decision must be left to the choice of each man. I desire tillage land. Whatever the price may be. This world is a tillage land of God, All seeds sown here will spring up. If this place be the tillage land of all human life, I, too, will sow with great care. Now you have all done well in coming to sow. Everyone who has sown the seeds Shall harvest without fertilizers. Psalm VIII (Ya Kudari Me) Firstly. In this wide world, in many lands. 7 6 - There are stones and standing trees. 18 Secondly. Thirdly. Fourthly. Fifthly. Sixthly. Seventhly. Eighthly. Ninthly. Tenthly. Although I construct a wondrous building, I make no appeal to anyone. As all the world gradually come flocking here. This building will be accomplished. Free your heart of avarice; Determine to establish a virtuous heart. However long you may delay. Yet, it will not be built by your own circle. Do not hurry thoughtlessly. Think the matter over in your mind. When your hearts become wholly purified. Begin the building at once. Going far into the mountains,^^ I have already marked the stones and standing trees. Though we think to cut this tree and raise that stone. It must be as God wills. All our hearts are, now at last. Thoroughly purified. 1 A The stones and standing trees imply the persons who will be the instruments or the workers for the con struction of the world. Refer to ibid., p. 62. The word "mountains" implies the places where this teaching has yet made no contact. Refer to Uyeda, ibid., p. 6I 4. . 77 Psalm IX (Kokono Kudari Me) Firstly. Secondly. Thirdly. Fourthly. Fifthly. Sixthly. Seventhly Eighthly. Ninthly. Tensely. Walking round in the wide world. One, two, step by step, I bring deliverance to all* I will free you from want. Trust in the heart of God. As I look into the world. In every heart avarice is mingled. If you have avarice, fling it away. As I, your Parent, cannot accept it. As everyone’s heart is the same. After having pondered and resolved, come and follow Me. I do not compel you to come Until you have made up your mind. So now all of you Must seriously make your decisions. Even in the mountains here and there. You worship God, the Tenri-0-no-Mikoto. Though you engage in worship here. There is no one who understands My heart. Since you utter the name of God, Gome forth immediately and return to your original Home. Psalm X (To Kudari Me) Firstly. Secondly. The heart of man Is by no means easily understood wondrous deliverances have been seen. This is the first time that I reveal Myself. Thirdly. Fourthly. Fifthly. Sixthly. Seventhly. Eighthly. Ninthly. Tenthly. Firstly. Secondly. Thirdly. 78 . This mud in the water^^ I want you quickly to remove. The avarice in your heart is endless like muddy water. Purify your heart, and paradise will appear. Forever and ever these words of Mine Will be the theme of conversation. That I have severely spoken Is because I am in haste to save you all. That you suffer is the result of your own heart. As it is self-reproach. Although disease is a distressing thing. There is no one who knows its source. Until now, the source of disease Has not been known by anyone. Now at last it is revealed. The source of disease is in the heart. Psalm XI (Jyuichi Kudari Me) In Shoyashiki of Hinomoto, Establish Jiba, the House of God. Husband and wife together perform Hinokishin, This is the seed of everything. As I look, the Whole world will eventually perform 2D Water denotes the original human mind as it was, and mud denotes the eight dusts itiich cover the mind of man. Refer to ibid., p. 6 7. Fourthly. Fifthly. Sixthly. Seventhly, Eighthly. Ninthly. Tenthly. Firstly. Secondly Thirdly. 79 Hinokishin, carrying earth in a straw-rope net.^ Forgetting avarice, devote yourself to Hinoki- î.shin. This service is the first fertilizer. It is an endless carrying of earth. If more remains, I too will go. Since I do not unreasonably prevent anyone. Whoever has the will, let him come. It is a wonder, the carrying of earth; This will be devotion to God. Dig the earth of the field And simply move it from place to place. No one until now was able to understand My heart; How regrettable I Though we did not fertilize the field. We harvested in abundance at last this year; How promising! How grateful! Psalm XII (Jyuni Kudari Me) To the invocation of the master workman, I am entrusting everything. If you engage in the mysterious building. Give instruction after invoking Me. To the builders who are coming from all over the world; Pour the Holy Fragrance. 21 Straw-rope net is called Mokko. and is a tool for carrying earth. The carrying of earth indicates the continuous striving for Hinokishin. Fourthly. Fifthly. Sixthly. Seventhly. Eighthly. Ninthly. Tenthly. If good master workmen are available. Quickly bring them here. In any case, four master workmen will be needed; Now invoke Me in haste. I never compel anyone to come; They will eventually come here. This wondrous building. Once begun, will never cease. If you go into the midst of the mountains. Take the rough builders with you. Now here come the master carpenters. The master builders, and the master planners. Now at last throughout the world. The number of master workmen is complete. II. QFUDESAKI This scripture is a book written in Miki*s own hand by revelation as in Mikagurauta. It is regarded as the most essential doctrine in Tenrikyo. Qfudesaki is liter ally translated as fude or brush, saki or tip, and 0 or the prefix of respect. Though this is a simple noun, the term may be interpreted in two ways. Qne implies the action of writing itself and the other the result or the written material. In the scripture, the term is used to imply both i meanings. In other words, Miki seems to give eternal actu- ; ality to the words of God. Accordingly the correct English I translation of this title is difficult. The best transla- ! ; tion connoting the original meaning is "brush of holy ------------------ -------------—Q 2;-------- inspiration," "revelation," or "written words of God." Only these terms will communicate the significance of the original title. According to the words of disciples who were serv ing the Foundress, the composition of this scripture took place in a very strange way. It is told that the writing brush moved around by itself idaen Miki tried to control it, making writing impossible. The writing brush worked only when she submitted her intention to the higher being. Such phenomenon is possible in religious experience and may be called "phenomenon of unconscious motion or automatic writing." William James discusses a similar phenomenon. The Qfudesaki was written in a period of fourteen years during the time when the attack from the outside was most severe. It was begun in the second year of Meiji ( 1 8 6 9) and completed in the fifteenth year of Meiji (1882). The scripture consists of seventeen volumes containing one thousand and eleven poems expressed in letter groupings of five, seven, five, seven, and seven, a form (waka) of Japanese poetry.As in Mikagurauta. it is written in 22 William James, The Varieties of Religious Ex perience, Lees. Ill, XIX. ^3 cf. Mikagurauta (the style of which is 5, 5, 7, 5). 02----- dialect and in a simple manner for easier understanding. The original name of this scripture is revealed in two poems. This universe is founded on the divine truth. Henceforward I will reveal it in fudesaki (P I 21) On its revelation, I rely neither upon power nor words But upon fudesaki. (P I 22) The contents of the scripture deal with universal and specific matters : I. Begun in January, 1869, when Miki was seventy- two years of age. This may be called a general introduction, dis cussing the appearance of God, teaching of truth, Jiba, Yoki (merry and blissfulness), Kagurazutome (kagura service). Protection of God, the heart as the cause of disease, way of life, Innen (causation), and the good ness of man by nature. II. Begun in March, 1869. Contains the declaration of her teaching, Yoki zutome (cheerful service), Yorozu-tasuke (relief for all ), the urgent need of Tsutome-Ninjyu (members of service), purification of Yashiki (her residence), and the establishment of Kanrodai (Vessel of Holy Nectar). III. Begun in January, i S?!;.. Includes Shinbashira (Mainstay--Patriarch), pro logue to the creation story, Kashimono-Ky?Imono (loaned and borrowed) ,^4 Yoboku ( Timb er - -Workman ), 25 Toki shun no Ri (the reason dwelling in the time of revelation^, the cause of disease and eight dusts,2o the natural life expectancy of man, and examples of healing. IV. Begun in April, I8 7 4. Written on Okan-no-Michi (pathway to God), Yoki zutome, brotherhood of man in the world, urgent 2 5, 26 later explanation in Chapter VII. g - salvation, the limitation of human endeavor, Makoto Shin. 1 itsu (sincerity) ,^7 protection according to the usage of heart and mind, and the creation of the world. V. Begun in 18?!;.. Written on the way of repaying kindness, God’s insight, faith as personal and individual, disease and suffering as advice from God, cleansing of heart, prophecy of the hardship to come in missionary work, and deep-rooted causes of phenomena. VI. Begun in December, l87i+. Written on Yokizutome, story of creation, God’s desire for salvation of men, regret and anger of God. .VII. Begun in February, 1875. Written on the world governed by the Sun and Moon, preparation of Yoboku, Obiya and Hosozutome (services for child birth and smallpox), work of God, prophecy concerning the birth of a girl, Yokizutome, and Yokigurashi (cheerful and blissful 1ife). VIII. Begun in May, 1875. Written on the regret and anger of God, Jiba no Innen, Miki no Innen, salvation through sincere work, dusts of man’s mind and heart, and determination of Kanrodai and Jiba. IX. , Begun in June, 1875. Written about her daughter Kokan, wondrous healings by God, the importance of knowing the origin, instruc tion for building Kanrodai. X. Begun in June, 1875. Written about the detailed explanation on Kanrodai- zutome and the necessity of Koki. XI. Begun in June, 1875. Written about the diseases of man, work of God, her daughter Kokan, heart of God, Yashiki no Innen, and Tamashii no Innen. 27 See later explanation in Chapter VII. ------------------------------------------- XII. Begun in December, l875« Written on God’s urging for cleansing the hearts of people in the world, Yoboku, Shugo (protection) given . according to the desire or heart, God's gifts Iki (breath) and Teodori, phenomena in this world as work ings of God, the story of Creation, and Kokoro- sadame (decision of heart). XIII. Begun about April, 1877. Written on Qkan-no-Michi, brotherhood of people and Tasukeai (cooperation), loaned and borrowed, service for the realization of eternal peace. XIV. Begun in June, 1879. Written on the regret of God for the hesitation of the disciples, happiness through knowing the origin of the world, changing of the name Tsuki-Hi (moon and sun) to Oya (parent), encouragement of disciples throu^ support from God. XV. Begun in January, I8 8O. Written on Kokoro-sadame, leg ailment of her son Shuji, and Yoboku. XVI. Begun in April, I8 8 1. Written on God’s urging men toward innocence, the will of God, urging for Kagur a zutome. XVII. Begun about 1882. Written on the historical origin and meaning of Kanrodai, God’s lament at the destruction of Kanrodai by police, ideal of Tenrikyo mission, and the importanoe| of human thinking and endeavour from hence. III. 'QKASHIZU As in the two preceding scriptures, Mikagurauta and Qfudesaki, Osashizu is an important part of Tenrikyo doctrine. It is a record of revelation. The difference from the two preceding scriptures is that it was not writ ten by Miki’s hand. This scripture is a record of ----------------------------------- 85 revelation through the Foundress and Izo Iburi taken by disciples. The name Osashizu comes from the nature of the content. Osashizu literally translated is "direction" with the prefix of respect, 0. This is mainly composed of divine directions which appeared as replies to the requests for direction of personal problems. It also includes gen eral directions revealed as the occasions arose. The style of writing is prose form. This work is published by the Central Church in thirty-three volumes (7790 pages). The Osashizu was begun on January I8 8 7, and the last entry was made on June 9, 1907. There are very few revelations through Miki as she died in I8 8 7. Most of the revelations were throu^ Izo Iburi. There is a view that Osashizu is a scripture of Izo Iburi only; however, this is not so, for it is said that Osashizu appeared throu^ Miki’ s mouth, and some of them were put in the first part of the collection. Since only a few persons were able to put down her words in writing, it is probable that most of them were lost. This scripture, at any rate, consists of words re corded by someone when Izo Iburi had the revelations. The Osashizu can be classified into two character- I is tic writings; namely, Kokugen and Sashizu. Kokugen is ! the positive self-expression of God appearing with the I needs of passing time, and is translated as "Incidental ------------ ---------- -----— ---------------- 36----- direction." Sashizu, as implied by the term, are the words which appeared only as replies to someone’s requests, and is translated as "Direction on Invocation."28 Some of the statements are difficult to classify into either of these two categories. However, it will be of some convenience to remember these two classifications. There are many practical examples of personal, family, or church problems in this scripture. After the death of the Foundress, the Osashizu played an important role in the foundation of the Tenrikyo church organization. IV. DOROXMIKOKI This is the story of creation in Tenrikyo. This book was written by Miki’s disciples who recorded her words in story form. The story of creation was repeatedly told by the Foundress. As the book was written by the disciples^ its character is completely different from that of Mikagura- j uta, Qfudesaki, or Osashizu. Recently many writings identi fied as creation stories, which may have been written by Miki’8 many disciples, were found. There are several versions of the story and they are classified by the year in idiich each was written. The years are the fourteenth. p Q Refer to Eckel, o£. cit., p. 65. --------------------------------------------------- Qrj---- sixteenth, ei^teenth, nineteenth, and the twentieth year of Meiji# Of these the fourteenth year versions were writ ten in poetic form, and those versions written during and after the sixteenth year were written in prose form# All of them were written under such headings as Konoyo Hajimari no Qhanashi Hikaye (Copy of the story of creation), Koki (Ancient chronicle), Kami no Koki (The divine - chronicle), Tenrin-0-no-Mikoto (August King of the Heavenly Cycle), and so forth;^^ none seems to have a definite title. Per haps these headings were taken f rom the poems in Ofudesaki. At the beginning of this world there was nothing but Doroumi (muddy ocean) in which both Moon and Sun existed. (P VI 80) It is not clear when this text was first called Doroumi- koki. The term literally translated means Ancient Chron icle of the Muddy Ocean (doro--muddy, umi--ocean, and koki-- ancient chronicle). Thus it is appropriate to call this text simply the Divine Chronicle of the Muddy Ocean. 29 por details, see Yoshinari Moroi, "Gensho Ten rikyo ni okeru Hyomei Monjo" (Written Scriptures in the Early Tenrikyo), Fukugen, Vol. IV, pp. l-i|.2 . Tametsugu Yamazawa, "Wakatal Konoyo Hajimari no Ohanashi Hikae Taishohyo" (Constrasting Tables of Copies of Waka Style Story of Creation), Fukugen, Vol. XIV, pp. 50-108. Masuo Yoshikawa, "Kami no Koki Taishoko" (Comparative Study on Ancient Chronicle), Fukugen, Vol. XV, pp. 1-19. 0 0 - According to Y. Moroi, the most reliable sources of the creation story are the Qfudesaki (Vol. VI) and versions of the fourteenth year and the sixteenth year. The editions of the fourteenth year are in the possession of Yoshinori Moroi; the sixteenth year editions are in the Umetani family. Howeveij, since this book was not written by the Foundress, it is not included in the original text of Ten rikyo • V. TENRIKYO KYO TEN Tenrikyo Kyoten is the Holy Text published by the Central Church. Tenrikyo Kyoten literally translated means Tenrikyo Text of Doctrine. The first publication of Kyoten was made in the thirty-third year of Meiji (1900) and published in the forty-first year of Meiji (1908) when Tenrikyo was accepted as an independent denomination. The text was composed of ten chapters: I Keishin (Respect for God) II Sonno (Reverence for Imperial Court) III Aikoku (Love for Native Land) IV Meishin (Clarifying God) V Shutoku (Cumulative Virtue) VI Batsujyo (Purification) VII Rikkyo (Establishment of Teachings) < -------------------- g- ç ------ VIII Shinon (Grace of God) IX Kagura (Holy Dance) X ânshin (Peace of Mind) This text was written in the modern classic style. The purpose of the text was to emphasize the ideal of reverence for the Imperial Court and patriotism. Thus, the real Ten- rikyo teachings were not revealed. This fact shows how much pressure was put on Ten- rikyo by the government. Even after the acceptance of re ligion as an independent denomination, Tenrikyo was forced to misrepresent its doctrine by espousing the ideals of the government. This Kyoten is also called Meiji Kyoten. The ministers and followers did not think hi^ly of this text; therefore, they kept the real teaching alive by missionary work. The pressure of the government grew with the ap pearance of militarism in the nation. During the second World War, when the military power was at its height, Ofudesaki, Osashizu. and portions of Mikapurauta were ban ned. Certain parts of Mikagurauta were also changed. Thu% Tenrikyo was sustaining a faint existence under government pressure though its followers reached a great number. As mentioned before, true religious freedom did not exist under the Meiji Constitution and it was inevitable that ----------- 90 Tenrikyo with many other religions should be suppressed and overcome by fanatic nationalism* However, the days of suppression ended with the termination of World War 11*^^ Thus, Tenrikyo came to the Fukugen (Restoration) of its original doctrine and the real faith introduced by Miki Nakayama, the Foundress* In this restoration, with reference to the three original texts, Ofudesaki, Hikagurauta, and Osashizu, the Central Church has produced a revision of the old Meiji Kyoten. This re vision is written in two parts in common Japanese language and contains the doctrine of faith only* This appears to be thefirst attempt at systematic illustration of the Ten rikyo doctrine. Probably the greatest project the Allied Force brou^t to Japan was the correction of the Meiji Constitu tion. The article on religion was changed as follows: Freedon of religion is guaranteed to all* Ho religious organization shall receive any privileges from the State, nor exercise any political authority. Ho person shall be compelled to take part in any religious act, celebration, rite or practice. Article XX. See G. H. (%., 0£. cit., p. 128. Cf. footnote Ip. in Chapter III. ' CHAPTER V TEACHING OP GOD In the preceding chapters, the rise of Tenrikyo was dealt with in the survey of historical and social condi tions. It was seen that the personality of the Foundress reflected the social conditions and Tenrikyo was influenced by social conditions in many ways. As mentioned before, since the Tenrikyo religion is based on the Foundress* personal confrontation by God, the concept of God in this religion is quite different from that of the traditional god concepts of the Shinto pantheon and various other religious cults. Someone perceiving the similarity in name. Sectarian Shinto, which was given to several popular sects found in the same period as Tenrikyo, might say that Tenrikyo is a mere reproduction or trans formation of traditional Shinto. This, however, is a mis understanding; Tenrikyo was grouped with Sectarian Shinto merely for the convenience of differentiating religion by the nature or place of its origin. In this chapter pre ference is given to the use of the name Tenrikyo in place of regarding this religion as one of the Sectarian Shintos. Many factors will be dealt with to show the differences ------------------------------ Y2- between Tenrikyo and Shinto. Knowledge of the god concept will be instrumental to understanding the religion. I. THE TRADITIONAL MEANINGS OF KAMI Roughlyf Shinto is a religion of natural growth which is indigenous to its own soil, and it is in its origin a mental production of the Japanese people as a whole.^ In the early dawn of Japanese history, people were simply worshipping the visible objects in nature such as the sun, the moon, wind, sea and the mountains which directly ap pealed to their eyes. They formed ways of worship intui tively,^ with little if any reflection. Worship, forms expressed naive emotional reactions toward awe-inspiring objects. This was a kind of original nature worship. These forms of worship developed by stages into animism or poly demonism, which presupposes the existence of a spirit or supernatural divine power inherent in the visible object of nature.3 ^ Genchi Kato, Study of Shinto, p. 88. ^ J. M. T. Mason, The Meaning of Shinto, p. 15» p. 111. He states that the formations of Japanese original concepts are built in an intuitive way in comparison to that of western countries. 3 Kato, o£. cit., pp. 7-8. — — — — — — — — "■ ^ " **' * ■■ HM I " The religious feelings inherent in nature worship developed more articulate expression, being transformed into polytheistic ancestor worship. All the phenomenal things in nature were believed to be animistic in character and the manifestation of the Divine. This is clearly seen in Japanese mythology where nature deities are personified. At this stage no speculative reasoning on the worshipped objects can be found. Much later, the introduction of Buddhism brought speculative appreciation to naive worship, giving pantheistic form to polytheism, and added a moral code and ethical teaching to the ancestor worship in the terms of characteristic hero-worship. Throughout the various stages of worship, the I divine object is commonly called kami which has a complex meaning even from the phonetic standpoint alone. The term kami has various meanings such as deity, god, superior, above, on, lord, governor, hair, head, paper, to add taste, good taste, and so on.^ It is very necessary to make a certain attempt to understand the term kami as used in Shinto. This kami is simply translated into English as * * god." As Dr. Hoi tom points out, however, the term kami ^ Fumihiko Otsuki, Daigenkai; Shozo Kanazawa, Kojirin. — • 9i| does not have the same meaning as the English word "god." The main problem of adjustment between Chris tianity and Shinto thou^t lies in the difficulty of expressing the Christian conception of God by name of the term Kami. The translation of ‘ *God’ * by Kami is unfortunate and misleading. Such connection was set up first by the Protestant missionaries.5 Many interpretations of the term kami. In his ety mological study. Dr. Hoi tom shows various origins of the term kami. (1) a. Kami derived from the term kamu-gami or kangami (kangamiru) which is taken in the sense of shoran or kangamiru or * * to see in brilliant li^t” (from Imbe no Masamichi, Shindai Kuketsu or Esoteric Knowledge of the Divine Age). Kami is from kangami. This is abbreviated and read kami. The Divine Mind, like a clear mirror, reflects all things in nature. It operates with impartial justice and tolerates not a single spot of uncleanness. That which is Heaven is Kami, in nature is Spirit and in man is Sincerity. If the ^ D. C. Hoi tom, "The Meaning of Kami," Monumenta Nippohica, Vol. Ill, No. 1, p# 3. He indicates that such mi sunder s tanding was brought from the use of same ideogram in Chinese and Japanese. The Japanese Kami,as used in National Shinto, althou^ it possesses a spiritual content, does not have a religious meaning. Genchi Kato indicates similar point from his own interpretation of the term kami. See G. Kato, "Shinto," Shin Nippon Shi (New History of Japan), Vol. Ill, pp. 119-120. spirit of nature and the heart of man are pure and clear, then they are Kami. b. Kami derived from the term kagami or "mirror" (from Yamasaki Ansai). The heart of God (Kami) is like a bright mirror (kagami) without a single ^ eck of cloudiness. As a metaphorical expression of this, the use of kagami arose. Then the middle ga was dropped, giving the form Kami.« (2) Kami derived from the term akami or "to behold in light" (from Tanigawa Kotosuga, Nihon Shoki Tsusho or Commentary on the Nihon Shoki). The word kami comes from kaga-miru. It is read kagami. In meaning it refers to the glorious presence of the gods." Also in Waku no Shiori (Dictionary of Japanese Language) Tanigawa says: Kami means akami (* glorious beholding,* * glorious appearing*). This is said because of the glorious presence of the gods. Again, it means kagami, re ferring to the fact that before mirrors were invented the deities of the sun and the moon were called * The Brilliant-appearing August Beings of Heaven* (Arne-no- kagami-no-Miko to ) .9 (3) Kami derived from the term kashikomi or "feeling of awe"--kashikomu means "to feel awe" or "to feai* ^ Hoi tom, up. cit., p. 5 ^ Ibid.. p. 6. ® Ibid. . p. 7 ° Loo. oit. ^ -------------------- (from Arakida Hisaoyu, Tsuki no 0 chib a or Fallen Leaves of Tsuki Tree). There are all sorts of interpretations of the word kami and all of them are wrong. Kami has the meaning of awe-inspiring and dreadful (kashikomi- osoruru). Susa-no-Wo-no-Mikoto (the storm god) said to the great serpent, *You are a fearful kami* (Nanji osoru beki kami nari). In the Kimmei Ki (Nihongi chronicle for the reign of Emperor Kimmei, $1|0-$71 A.D.) both the tiger and the wolf are called fear ful kami (kashikoki kami). The sixteenth book of the Manyoshu speaks of the tiger of China which is called kami. There is also a pillow-word which mentions the wolf in the phrase, * the field of the true kami of the great mouth. * It is by studying such usages that the meaning of kami is to be understood. ( i | ) Kami derived from the term kabi, **that mys tery," "that soul," "that spirit," or "that ghost" (from Hirata Atsutane, Koshiden or Explanations of Ancient His tories) • Regarding the meaning of kami: At the beginning of the Nihongi it is written, * In ancient times Heaven and Earth were not as yet separated and the male and female principles were as yet undivided. All was turbid and chaotic mass like an egg, and kabi (mysterious force) was contained therein.* This kabi is the same as kami. . . . The ka of kabi has the meaning of * that * (ka, kano) and is a demonstrative used to point out an object. Bi is a word that is used to indicate something mys terious. ... Kabi and kami are the same word. . • , kami was the source of all things that came into existence in the world, and inasmuch as it was very mysterious, it became a term for designating every thing mysterious. . . Loc. cit. Ibid., p. 8. --- (5) Kami derived from the term kakorimi or "hidden body" (from 8aito Hikomaro, Katabisashi or Beneath the Eaves)• On account of being unseen by the human eye, kami is called kakurimi. ... This is abbreviated to kami. In the beginning of the universe the Deities of Heaven and Earth came into existence of themselves and hid their persons. They were with out parents and came into existence spontaneously. They were unseen even by the other deities who were there. When the world of man came into existence, althou^ the kami appeared therein, they were un- seen by human eyes and thus they were called kami. • . (6) Kami derived from the term kakuri or "hidden" (from Hatta Tomonori). Hatta advanced this idea by giving interpretations of the syllable which indicates exclama tion of surprise, the sign of interrogation, and gave an idea of strangeness or mystery from the ^ syllable.13 (7) Kami derived from the term kakure,"invisible" or "hidden" (from Hori Hidenari, Kami Nionko or Thoughts on the Two Sounds in Kami ). When we consider the origin of the word kami from the point of view of the fifty sounds (of the Japanese syllabary), we see that it is made up of two sounds. The ka sound signifies a state that is hidden and mysterious, something that cannot either be seen with the eyes or laid hold on with hands. • • • 1^ Ibid., p. 9. Ibid.. p. 11. Again, mi signifies a state of fullness. This is seen in words like mi (fruit), mi (body), mi (three) . . Kami unites these elements and has the meaning of a true fullness that cannot be seen with the eyes or laid hold on by the hands. ... In its origin kami is a word that expresses the mystery of the power of the gods who dwell in Heaven and whose forms are unseen from this mundane world. 14 ( 8 ) Kami derived from the term k age-mi or "shadow body" (from Maruyama Masahiko, Dai Nippon wa Shinkoku Nari or Great Japan is the Land of the Gods). Thus the original usage of kami was in con nection with whatever ordinary people could not easily comprehend, whether in a concrete object, in dig nity, in virtue, in ability, in learning, or in shrewdness.I^ (9) Kami derived from the .term kushibi, "mysteri ous spirit" or "strange ghost" (from Kurokawa Mayori) (10) Kami derived from the term kamu or "to brew" (from Okuni Taksmasa, Koden Tsukai or Exposition of Ancient Loc, cit. 15 Ibid., p. 12. Dr. Hoitom indicates as follows: The original Japanese word for mirror (kagami) was probably kage-mi, * shadow body. * The middle ge in the course of time was dropped and the word became kami. The most ancient word for * spirit* was kagemi. Herein is indicated the attempt of the ancient Japa nese ancestors to give verbal expression to experi ences with the vague and mysterious shadows which haunted their world, which appeared to them in dreams, or which were strangely reflected in mirrors. 1 A Loc. cit. 99 Tradition) • Kami is the same word as the kamu or kamosu (to brew) used to describe the making of rice-wine. It expresses the idea that God (Kami) through the Spirit indwelling in the universe, brews forth man-8tuff.^7 (11) Kami derived from an intensive prefix and mi (hi, bi), "sun" or "fire" (from Dr. Yamamoto Nobuki). Dr. Hoi tom deals with the work of Dr. Yamamoto Nobuki, which shows an etymological study based on phonetic form. Following is a brief summary of his attempt. Ka is a prefixed intensive which in the early Japanese language expressed heightened sensation or feeling in the presence of varying^ special circumstances. . . Instances of the usage taken by Dr. Yamamoto from the classical literature are: ka-kuwashi (kuwashi, * detailed*); ka-kuroshi (kuroshi, *black*); ka-yowashi (yowashi, *weak*); hence very detailed, very black and very weak. . . . The same kind of explanation is extended to the etymology of kami. The most obvious aspect of ex perience with the sun on the part of primitive man is that of overpoweringly brilliant and mysterious light. This finds vocal registration in the word ka-ka-yaku, modern form, kagayaku, meaning * to gleam and glitter, * * to shine brilliantly. * In its etymology kakayaku is simply the old verb for burn, yaku, intensified by the prefix ka twice re peated. It means * to Murn kaka, * that is, to burn in an intense and overpowering manner. The origi nal term for kami is composed of this word kakayaku plus the word for sun or fire, hi, modified to bi 17 Ibid.. p. 13. ^ roo-- or mi, and abbreviated in the course of time to two syllables* . . (12) Kami derived from kami, "above" or "superior" (from Imbe no Masamichi, Yoshida Kanetomo, Arai Hakuseki, Kamo no Mabuchi, I se Sadatake, Kato Genchi, Kiyohara Sadao, B. H. Chamberlain). Imbe no Masamichi says in Shindai Kuketsu: As for kami in the sense of * above*--the gods (kami) dwell constantly in Takama-ga-hara (Heaven! and therefore that which is above is called kamu.*^' Yoshida Kanetomo, in Shindaikan Jikishisho or A True Guide to the Books of the Age of God, says: Kami in the sense of deity should be read kami in the sense of above. It means to revere Arai Hakuseki, in Arai Hakuseki Zenshu or Complete Work of Arai Hakuseki, says: In ancient times that which was called kami was man. As evidence of this the Nihongi speaks of divine ancestors and sacred personages as kami. In the common speech of our country kami has the mean ings of venerable. For example, rulers and high government officials are all called kami. Or to take Loc. cit. Dr. Hoitom points out that the origi nal Japanese worship was directed towards the sun as the mysterious source of life, li^t and warmth. Thus it was quite natural that the word W is given for deity which is originally one and the same as sun. 19 Ibid.. p. 17. 20 Loc. cit. a nearby example from the human body, the hair of the head is called kami. We also designate things that are far away or high up in space by the use of this same word kami. Much more so then, do we indicate our attitude of reverence toward those among men who are sacred by the expression kami.^^ Kamo no Mabuchi: Kami means above. People of later period (as distinguished from those of the Age of the Gods, who had correct views on the subject) made a separation between gods and men, and, paying attention only to the ideograms and forgetful of the meaning of the words, they were mindful only of the difference in the written forms. Thus they did not hesitate to adopt an explanation that involves a distorted interpretation. Ise Sadatake: The reading of deity as kami means above. Be cause a thing is venerated it is regarded as above and called k a m i .^3 Kato Genchi, What is Shinto ? The word: kami, literally and etymologic ally considered, means higher, upper, above, and superior. Therefore, anything, man or beast, animal or plant, organic or inorganic, which, in certain respects, is higher than ourselves is entitled to be called kami. So, for instance, any government or court official hi^er than others in rank is a kami, i.e., one * s superior or senior. ^4 21 22 23 Loc. cit. Ibid.. p. 18 Loc. cit. 24 Loc. cit. Kiyohara Sadao, Shinto Shi or History of Shinto: The most common and comprehensive word for deity in the Japanese language is Kami. It is probably connected with kaburu, to cover, and has the general meaning of * above, * * superior.* Kami is the part of Japan which lies near the capital, as opposed to Shimo, the lower country or provinces. . . . Kami is applied not only to Gods, but to Mikados and nobles. The heads of State Departments were at one time called Kami, and in later times this word became equivalent to our *Lord* in territorial titles. . . B. H. Chamberlain, Ko. 1 iki : The proper meaning of the word kami is * top, * or * above ; * and it is still constantly so used. For this reason it has the secondary sense of *hair on the head; * and only the hair on top of the head,--not the hair on the face--is so desig nated. Similary the government, in popular phrase ology, is 0 Kami, literally * the honorably above ; * and down to a few years ago Kami was the name of a certain titular provincial rank. Thus it may be understood how the word was naturally applied to superiors in general, and especially to those p, more than human superiors whom we call * gods.*. . . According to Hoitom, other European scholars have followed more or less along the road marked out by Cham- 27 berlain. However, this idea of the origin of the term kami as derived from **above" is regarded as a mistake in view of study made by Dr. Yamamoto. 25 Ibid.. p. 19. 26 Ibid.. p. 20. 27 Loc. clt. 103 Possible origin of kami. Dr. Yamamoto says that already in the Nara era the usage of Chinese letters in reference to mi of kami (deity) and ^ of kami (above) were differentiated. He further sou^t differences in the original form of pronunciation using Inkyo or Guide to Phonology, dated sometime later than the reign of Chinese Emperor Te Tsung (7 8O-8 0 4 A.D.). The pronunciation of the Chinese letter used for mi of deity: Kan-on........bu-wi contracts to bi. Co-on........mu-wa-i to ma-i to mi. The pronunciation of the Chinese letter used for mi of,above : Kan-on ..... be-i contracts bi. Go-on........ma-i to mi.^o Thus Dr. Yamamoto concludes: To sum up, although the interpretation that kami means * superior * has been an exceedingly convenient device for explaining the meaning of the word to people at large in this country, yet it must be declared xmsatisfactory from the point of view of the scientific explanation of the original signifi cance of the words of the Japanese language that obtained in the Nara era and earlier.^ Dr. Hoi tom suggests, from Dr. Yamamoto* s research, that a phonetic value for the ancient Japanese word "deity" Ib^., p. 2i|« For details, refer to the tables of Chinese letters made by Yamamoto, Ibid., p. 23. Ibid.. p. 26. ^ ----- (ka-mu-wa-i) is almost identical with kamai, the Ainu word for deity. As is clear in the above attempt, the term kami was the word given originally to the object which was considered, as superior, higher, glorious, or mystical to man and de veloped with the advance of time by acquiring speculative implications. These interpretations on kami depended largely on the written sources of Nara ^a. However, they merely illustrate how the term kami (deity) was formed with reference to nature. For further consideration it is bene ficial to trace the prehistoric formation of Japanese myth. When the most ancient phonetic form of kami pre sented by Dr. Yamamoto is considered, as indicated by Dr. Hoitom, it may be possible to make one assumption that the Japanese kami is probably the same as the Ainu deity in its origin.31 It is possible that the Japanese kami is an outcome of the Ainu kamui through kamuwai. when the forma tion of Japanese Shinto is considered. According to T. Harada, "Comparatively modern theory traces kami to an Ainu word, kamui, meaning he who or that which covers or 30 Ibid.. p. 2 5. 3 W. Gr. Aston shows that the Ainu word for "god," "prayer" and "offering" are taken from the Japanese. His stand is opposed to the above. See W. G. Aston, Shinto, overshadows, and so represents divinity. Originally Japan was occupied by the Ainu. It is probable that they produced their own cultural pattern ac cording to their racial temperament, prior to the occupa tion of the land by the ancestors of present Japanese. According to T. Yasuda, the Japanese race is in origin a mixed race of southern Mongol (original Malays, Mon Khmer, and Burmese) and northern Mongol (Tunguses). These migra tions probably resulted in a fusion of the new culture with that of the Ainu culture. The first of these migrations was from the original Malays. Shortly after, the Mon Khmer migrated to Japan, and up to these two migrations, they pro duced the Jyomon33 culture and depended largely on fishing for a livelihood. After the migration of the Burmese, the Yayoi^^ culture, which depended for its livelihood upon agriculture, developed. About this time, there was a pp. 2-3. Also the same idea is indicated by Dr. Kyosuke Kindachi. For details, see K. Kindachi, Amhu Life and Legends. pp. 2l(.8-2$3* 32 Tasuki Harada, The Faith of Japan, p. 26. Also refer to John Bachelor, The Ainu of Japan, pp. 2i|.8-253* and Yayoi are the names given to the potteries of these periods by which we differentiate the two cultural patterns. It is said that Jyomon pottery is of Ainu origin and Yayoi pottery is more definitely of Japanese origin. migration of northern Mongols from the continent through Korea. The southern Mongols were to a large extent femal- Gentered tribes and the northern Mongols were male-centered tribes. It is interesting to note that the southern Mongols I brou^t with them peaceful means of livelihood, agriculture! and fishing, while the northern Mongols brou^t hunting on horseback as a means of livelihood. However, when the northern Mongols reached the Japanese land, the basic foundation of Japanese culture was already in existence and resisted destruction. tThus the northern Mono go li an i j culture became diffused among the existing culture. The dawn of Japanese civilization was coming. * 35 Concerning this paragraph, see Tokutaro Yasuda, i Mingen no Rekishi (History of Man), Vol. II, pp. 27-68. i Dr. Yasuda tried to validate this theory based on linguistic similarity, remains, and articrafts used in the ancient timeé. There have been two main theories on the origin of Japahes language. One is Euro-Altaic origin and the other is Oceanic origin. For details, see the following arti cles: Shiro Hattori, "The Relationship of Japanese to the Ryukyu, Korean, and Altaic Language," Tryisactions of the Asiatic Society of Japan, January 8, 191+8; G. J. Rams ted t, "a Comparison of the Altaic Language with Japanese," Trans actions of the Asiatic Society of Japan, Second Series, Vol. I, 1923; D. Van Hinloopen Labberton, "The Oceanic Languages and the Nipponese as Branches of the Nippon- Maiay-Polynesian Family of Speech," Transactions of the Asiatic Society of Japan, Seèond Series, Vol. II, 1925; A. Neville J. Whymant, "The Oceanic Theory of the Origin of the Japanese Language and People," Transactions of the Asiatic Society of Japan, Second Series, Vol. Ill, 1926. --------------------- : --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 3:07------ Although the Ainu was gradually driven away after the settlement of the Japanese ancestor whose political control was in the hands of northern Mongols, they left words, names, magics, and habits. These monuments of Ainu are still alive in the soils where they once had lived and are now occupied by the present Japanese. Once the Ainu was the strongest race in East Asia expanding not only over Japan but also into Korea and China. Following is the statement made by Dr. Chamberlain. ... As to ray opinion, it is that not only the Japanese Islands, but also a part of China and Korea were inhabited by one and the same race— the Ainos (who were called by the Japanese in historical times Yebis or eastern barbarians), and that at a later period theàe were pressed back by advancing pgoples of another race to the north and east. . . .3^ It was, thus, possible that the first immigrants absorbed the Ainu culture into their own and made it more diversified and powerful. Hence it is natural to find similarity in the basic formation of Ainu myth and Japanese myth. The Ainu word for deity is kamui and the Japanese word is kami. A few illustrations will show that the Japanese and Ainu concepts of deity are similar. The ^ Carl Etter, Ainu Folklore, p. 207# Carl Etter further shows many o#ier scholars* views concerninng this subject. See pp. 205-216. -------------------------------------------; ----------------------j-QQ----- Ainu worship the fire which is called fuji in Ainu, and is considered by them to have been their first ancestor. The Japanese worship a volcano from which fire comes and they call it Mt. F u j i .37 Since many similarities can be seen throughout the myths and other daily habits, the Japanese ancestors must have built their religious pattern with much influence from the Ainu culture. The original phonetic form kamuwai of kami was the one the Japanese ancestor probably took from the A i n u . 38 Thus they produced their nature worship from which various deity concepts developed. These concepts later were unified into the ancestor worship which became the most prominent factor in Japanese myth. Shinto is a later formation based on such a background. It is, thus, natural to find in Shinto a deity of creation and at the same time a myriad of other deities. The result of amal gamation of primitive magic, animistic nature worship, and ancestor worship influenced the earlier formation of Shinto Ibid.. p. 51* Also see John Bachelor, The Ainu of Japan, p. 294# 38 John Bachelor, The Ainu of Japan, p. 22+8. He indicates the origin of the Japanese term"kami" as of Ainu origin, saying that he is of the opinion that the Japanese borrowed their word "kami" from Ainu kamui and Japanese owe their word for "god" to an Ainu source. 39 D. c. Holtom, "Meaning of Kami," Monumenta Nipponica, Vol. III, No. 2, p. 34* and made its progress impossible beyond the stage of natural religion. Although, with the intellectual influence of Buddhism and Confucianism, Shinto did advance into the ethical stage of religion, the basic factor of the above mentioned concepts remained the common ground of Shinto. General meaning of kami. The kami-concept pro duced in such a background preserved many different impli cations as well indicated by the famous Shinto scholar. Motoori Norinaga. Speaking in general it may be said that kami signifies, in the first place, the deities of heaven and earth that appear in the ancient records and also the spirits of the shrines where they are worshipped. It is hardly necessary to say that it includes human beings. It also includes such things as birds, beasts, trees, plants, seas, mountains, and so forth. Anything whatsoever which was outside of the ordi nary, which possessed superior power, or which was awe-inspiring, was called kami. . . . Some are noble, some are base ; some are strong, some are weak; some are good, some are bad. . . . Eminence does not here refer merely to the superiority of nobility, goodness or meritorious deeds Evil and mysterious things, if they are extraordinary and dreadful, are called kami. . . .39 Thus, as indicated by Dr. Saeki, as a general idea kami -------------------------------------------------------------------- n o ---- means a personal and awe-inspiring40 spirit which became the object of religious worship reflecting simply super natural power. Following is the statement made by Dr. Saeki, . . . In very ancient times in our country natural phenomenon or objects of nature that stimulated wonder were felt to contain marvelous power and were looked upon as kami. This next developed into the idea of the worship as kami of the spiritual powers that control ‘ these (natural) objects and act upon them. This in time became the worship of the power of kami who confer, favors on human life in the form of continuous and re newing development. Gradually the evil kami who inflict misfortune on mankind are shifted out and we reach the * existence of a world of deities ruled by a pure and .4- I . < supreme divine spirit.4i Briefly, there are three main cultural stages in the development of Shinto, in connection with the term under stood by the Japanese as kami. The first stage was the primitive nature worship or polydemonism, the second was the higher nature worship or sheer polytheism, and the thirdJ was the advanced cultural level in which beliefs j I I and practices relating to kami come under the influence of ethical and intellectual elements of a higher order. How ever, even the last stage was merely the advanced stage of ancestor worship. Thus Shinto formed a moral code of ^ Dr. Holtom presents an interesting comment on * kami-Goncept by Toshiaki Harada, who deals with kami-concept! in reference to R. Otto * s analysis of religious feeling i named numinous experience. For details, see ibid., i pp. 44-53• j Ibid., p. 3 3. Also refer to A. C. Underwood, i Shintoism, p. 21. --------------------------------------------------------- Ill--- loyalty to the Emperor as Divine, which became the essence of national religion along with the articulate formation of state. . . . Shinto, as a theanthropic religion, has culminated in Mikado ism or the Worship of the Mikado or Japanese Emperor, as a divinity, during his life time as well as after his death. . • . Herein lies even at the present day, in my opinion, the essence of life of Shinto, inseparably connected with, the national ideals of the Japanese people. . . .42 On the other hand, the original nature worship be came the basis for common and popular belief. The kami- concept became an anthropomorphic personified deity concept,, and the structure of religion in general became not a re ligious faith based on deep insight toward human nature through the work of God, but a national religion or moral code and mere superstitions, the cause of many supersti tions among the people. The term kami could not develop into a so-called religious terra, "god," but retained only the implication of "above," "superior," or "awe-inspiring" with reference to the categories of state religion or naive folk-belief. Many derivations tried for the term "kami" indi cated in the first step of this chapter are, thus, mere explanatory theological treatments containing the above 42 ( 3, Kato, o£. cit., p. 2 0 6. — 112--- mentioned kami-concept. During the period of religious dilemma (from the Yedo era to the Meiji era), it was natural that an active Shinto revival movement caused from reli gious desire arose among the common people in the form of popular theism. II. TENRIKYO GOD CONCEPT Although the same term "kami" has been used for Gùd in Tenrikyo, the contents or the meanings of the term have been quite different from that of the traditional concept. It may be said that the Tenrikyo God concept is much closer to that of Christianity in its contents. The words spoken by God, for the first time, to the world, through the three moments were, "I am the mo to no Kami and jit su no Kami. I have the predestination to this residence. Now I am descended from heaven to save all human beings. I want to take Miki as Tsuki-Hi no Yashiro \ (or the shrine of the Moon and Sim— media tress between God a n d m a n ) . "^ 8 is appropriate to open the passage to the understanding of the God concept through the two words. 43 Tenrikyo Central Church, Tenrikyo Kyoten (The Doctrine of Tenrikyo), p. 3* Also refer to Chapter III, Sec. 3* "Revelation." --------------------------------------------------------------------------------- — ------------------'13:3 --------- moto and jitsu, used in this positive revelation44 vdiich appeared through Miki. Mo to no Kami. The terms mo to and jitsu were used frequently by Miki in Tenrikyo Scriptures as an aid to the people in understanding the nature of God. The term mo to is used in following Mikagurau ta. Here, the Jiba of Yamato, the residence of God, Though you speak of it, yet you know naught about its origin. (M J 4) Whoever understands the origin of creation Will yearn for this place. - (M J 5) If you wish to hear, come to Me; I will teach you About the origin of all things* (M J 6) Though I have hitherto worshipped Thee, Till now I did not know Thee as the Original God. TM III 9) Here is the original Home of this world; A wondrous place has been revealed. (H V 9) Althou^ disease is a distressing thing. There is no one who knows its source. (M X 8) 44 This term is used by Yoshinori Moroi. He differ entiates four revelations in Tenrikyo as follows: 1. Tenkei or positive revelation--beginning of Ten rikyo. 2. Jigen or incamative revelation— appearing through the Foundress. 3. Taku.li or ors-cular revelation--appearing through the first disciple. 4* Keiji or revelation--appearing through ordinary followers. For details, see Fukugen, Vol. IX, pp. 60-62. Ilk Until now, the source of disease Has not been known by anyone* (M X 9) Now at last it is revealed. The source of disease is in the heart. (M X 10) Underlined words are the translation of the term mote in the original scripture. Of these poems, the first two imply cause” or "reason,” the third implies "principle” in the original writing, and the remaining poems imply "origin" as translated according to the total meaning de rived from the sentences. Thus the most universal implica tion is the term "origin." This term occurs in Qfudesaki in fifty places, and the universal implications are "origin" or "beginning." They are grouped according to the implication of the term: Cause, Reason: You call this place the kamigata (The Holy Abode) of Jiba (The native place of all human beings). But you do not know why. (P I 4) When you learn the reason. You will long for this place. (P I 5) It is indeed regrettable to both Moon and Sun, Because you do not know this reason. (P XIII Principle: If you want to know the reason. Come and I will teach you all about it. (P I 6) The reason I talk so tediously on His omnipotence is That this indeed is the foundation of the salvation of the whole world. (P VIII I 4. 8) i i 5 ~.. Even if we look everywhere, there will be no one Who knows this foundation of the salvation. (P VIII 49) Origin: You know nothing about Me, The original G-od who created this world. (P III 15) Indeed there are a lot of books on moral discourses and legends. But no one really knows about the creation of the world. (P III 69) Thou^ all human beings are living cheerfully and thoughtlessly. There is no one who knows about the origin. (P III 92) If only they understand the truth concerning the creation^ They will never fall ill. (P III 93) Thou^ I foretell what is still unseen. You will never believe it if you do not understand the origin. (F IV 81) If anyone knows the origin. He may go to Him and ask for it. (P VI 27) Even before now, everything had been visible to you. But because you -knew nothing about the origin,-- CP VIII 57) Any and every man knows the presence of the Moon and Sun, But he does not know anything about the origin. CP X - 14) You must thoroughly understand She truth concerning the creation. (P XII 139) Indeed the person who knows about the origin Is the person who cannot be found anywhere. (P XII 1 4 0) At a drought you want rain, yet Nobody knows about the origin of it. (P XII 155) --------------- '— ------------------------------------Xï6--- I will begin to teach you the truth about it. If you can understand it, you shall have His protection. (P XII 156) I have never taught you the truth. Not even about water* (P XII I6I 4. ) It is indeed the place where the creation was first started. That I began to construct Kanrodai at Jiba. (P XVII 3 6) The above are representative verses in which the term mo to appears as a noun. Besides these, examples of moto used as an adjective in describing God are "Motonaru Qya" or "Original Parent" (P IX 26, 3 0, 31; VIII 73), "Moto Ko shir ae ta Kami" or "God i^dio created the origin" (P'III I8), and "Moto no Oya" or "Original Parent" (P VI 55) • It is possible to derive a percentage of concentration of the term in Ofudesaki as: Beginning or Pirst............ .. 61^ Origin.......................... 26.3^ Principle .............. 7*1^, ^ Cause or Reason................ 5 Thus in Ofudesaki, the term moto has the implica tions of "beginning or first" and "origin" most frequently. Therefore, the Moto no Kami will be regarded as the God who has a nature of originator. The usage of this term can also be understood from the social viewpoint. There was much magic, superstition. 45 Yoshinori Moroi, "Kyogigaku Gairon" (Outline of -Dogmatic S")"^—PukugenT~~Vol-.—iX^—p .— B 8- . --------------------- and traditional folk-belief during this period. As a new prophetic religion, the adjective "original" or "first" of Moto no Kami was emphasized in order to differentiate this God from other numerous traditional gods of folk-belief. Hitherto you all think that any and every god may protect you If you only worship Him, but you know not the truth. (P VI 26) Although My intention is indeed the salvation, I do not visit patients for mere prayers or exorcism, but for the execution of the Holy orders from God. (P III 45) These two verses clearly show that the Tenrikyo term Kami is quite different from the traditional Kami in content, thou^ the same phonetic form and term is used; The Tenrikyo term implies the highest and absolute, unmanifested nature of God as against the phenomenally manifested god concepts of past teachings. The originality of God, thus is shown in the term"creator." You know nothing about Me Who is the Creator of this world. (P III 15) Being the Creator of the world, I begin to teach the doctrines which have not yet been taught. (P III 18) In the past, the gods in popular beliefs or popular Buddhistic concepts, which had risen with the social back ground of the Yedo era, were various in their forms and concepts. They were unclarified beliefs, the results of — -------------ir8---- mixtures of Shinto, Buddhism, and Confucianism, which dif- I fused into popular exorcism among the people. The deities worshipped among the people may be classified as follows: Deity as the soul of an ancestor: Various kinds of Ujigarni worship. Deity as a spirit dwelling in nature: Worship of gods of water, wind, mountain, etc. Deity as the soul of a great man or hero. Deity as a spirit who had a function of bringing happiness and evil. Deity for exorcism.46 There was much worship of an ideal god, but it was not particularly concerned with faith or belief. Thus the majority of the religions of this period can be placed in the above classification of category "Folk Belief." They are in nature superstitious worship reflecting the mind of the people. Jitsu no Kami. In Mikagurauta, the term Jitsu no Tasuke and Jitsu no Kami are used, and in Ofudesaki, Jitsu no Oya appears. As you have patiently followed Me thus far. So will true deliverence now begin. (M III 4) 46 Ibid., p. 9 0. Concerning this, see Kumaichiro Kato, Minkan Shinko (The Folk Belief). 119 The God vdio now reveals Himself ' Is the true God without dispute. (M III 10) Both Heaven and Earth are your true Parents. Human beings were first originated from Them. (F X 54) In Japanese, these words may be understood merely as "practical" or "real," but they should be understood in the sense of "true," as translated in the context of the total meaning implied in the verses. This will be clari fied in the following examples. I have expatiated on the sole way to the real God, Yet no one can understand Me. [P II 12) Once the true God reveals Himself, He will do anything He likes. (P III 85) When the mind of the true God is purified of regret. All human beings will become cheerful. (P IV 35) If the true God begins to work. The minds of all human beings shall be purified. (P V 49) What I intend to do is to convince you Of the omnipotence of the real Parent. (P VI 23) The true and real Parents are indeed both Moon and Sun, And other deities are nothing but Their instruments. (P VI 50) I guarantee you that you shall all be saved Prom any bodily affliction or household affairs by the real Parents. (P VII 101) That I guarantee you will be saved is due To the fact that the real God exists. (P VIII 46) In these verses, the term "Shinjitsu no Kami" or "True and Real God" and " Shin jitsu no Oya" or "True and Real Parent" - - , — . . — . — — - ' are used. It is possible to find other terms: "Jitsu no Tsuki-Hi" or "Real Moon and Sun" (P V 35, 71), "Shinji no Oya" or "True and Real Parent" (P VI 102; XIV 54, 79), "Jitsu no Oya" or "Real Parent" (P X 54) * The term implying "Jitsu" is used in Ofudesaki a total of 177 times. The term in Japanese means "sincerity," "truth," "just," "indeed," and so on. Thus it is proper to arrive at the translation of this term as "true," and the name of God as the God of truth and reality, who has absolute objec tivity in Himself in contrast to phenomenal objects. The two terms, mo to and jitsu, in themselves, imply the symbol of essence. In other words, mo to and j itsu imply the nature of essentiality, indicating one absolute reality who is at the same time all. In Mikagurauta the two terms are beautifully unified in poetical expressions indicating that these terms are the nature of God looked at from two different views. Though 1 have hitherto worshipped Thee, Till now I did not know Thee as the original God. (M III 9) The God who reveals Himself Is the true God without dispute. (M III 10) When the chaotic social background of this period is con sidered, it is readily understandable that the Tenrikyo God chose to manifest Himself through Miki*s mouth as the God ----------------- ----------------^2x--- - of truth and origin. Introduction of this God concept was indeed a great surprise to the people, for they had never known such a god throughout Japanese history. The use of these terms made this religion more prophetic in contrast to other Shinto revivals. However, for the people, it was difficult to understand this new God concept. Therefore, a special way of explanation was made by Miki. Kami, Tsuki-Hi, and Oya. The tendency of an ex planatory approach to God is seen throughout Ofudesaki. This may be called the method or God* s way of self-manifes tation. That is, in 0fudesaki,God is named first as Kami, next as Tsuki-Hi or "Moon and Sun," and finally as Oya or "Parent." The following tabled? show the percentages of concentration of the three terms. According to the table, the problem of the communication with man throu^ his understanding by these worldly expressions seems most im portant to God Himself. It was very necessary to reveal God through allegory and through relating God with the phenomenal things of this world. The procedure is to re place the abstract term "God" with the concrete term "Moon and Sun," and then with the precise term "Parent" to clarify the relationship between God and man. These two 47 See Table I on next page. -1-22- I —I I s CO E4 è 0 § C O M G O I M H M > X M M X M X X X X H H M M > M H > I —I > > H M I —I M M H H O i z ; I —I > xO vO rH □ a vO rH ( \ j rH I iH •H ? •H E-l C \ J I —I C M OO iH • L P y iH C M C M O rH VÛ CM CA CA S- C— rH sO CA Sh G C o X ? •H I E4 CA O C M sO C M CA vO vO CA di c C o r4U\-=hCM C^CM l> - C M CA • « © • • U • 0 1 a s © U A w • Q j© u < D © • P r*H © P r X A • e g 1 A •H © * g 0 © • C o 0 1 W X E H o 0 1 © © • © © © B 6 B 0 1 « r i •H • H ® +3 +3 +3 0 1 u © © © © . d Æ > 43 43 +3 94 44 o o O O U U ( 4 © © © © "S ■ § 'S A a iH iH rH rH a s © © © 4> 43 43 45 o o o O E4 E H E h E4 CO -d” --------------------------------- ^ ^ ^ 2 3 forms, Tsuki-Hl and Oya, are symbolic explanations of God scaled to the growth of the people*s understanding. These symbolic terms, however, are important factors in acquiring the faith. Indeed the characteristic nature of religious concepts or ideas exists in the sphere where all words (logos) mediate the outwolâdly order to this world transcending all human cultural expression. And here the symbolic nature of religion comes to existence without having any relationships with other cultural orders. Religion is to live in such a characteristic world of symbolism. To see this symbolism as a mere symbolism is the limitation of theoretical reasoning. Religion, contrary to this, is to see this symbolism as a reality by the artless mind.49 As is clear in any religion, God or unseen reality can com municate with this world only by revealing Himself through symbolic expression. This is also true in Tenrikyo. God manifests Himself in this world, defining Himself as Tsuki- Hi and Oya. Transformation of the terms reflects also the process of Miki * s missionary work toward society. That is. 4^ Seiichi Hatano, Shukyo Tetsugalpx (Philosophy of Religion), p. 45* (Writer’s translation) In Tenrikyo, symbolism seems an important factor for understanding the teaching as shown in Mikagurauta (see "Bsalmss for Kanrodai Service") and Ofudesaki (see F I 46; F III ?)• These verses indicate that the teaching should be made by sym bolic illustration. For details, see Makoto Oda, "Kami no Shocho ni tsuite" (On Symbolism of God), Tenrikyogaku Kenkyu, Vol. Ill, pp. 74-86. 1 in the beginning, the word Kami was the most choice term to attract the people’s attention to God. The second stage produced a more concrete term containing a theoretical treatment of God concept. The third stage is the precise transformation into a personal God concept. At the beginning of this world there was nothing But muddy ocean in which both the Moon and the Sun existed. (P VI 80) To tell the truth, both the Moon and the Sun Thou^t of the creation of the world. (P VI 81) It is indeed difficult to begin anything from nothing. They began to collect deities as their instruments. (F VI 82) The verses above are pieces from the creation story. The verses show that God existed in a relative sense, uni fying nature as one in the beginning. In Tenrikyo doctrine, the Moon is named Kunitokotachi no Mikoto and the Sun is named Qmotaru no Mikoto. The Moon and the Sun, of course, do not refer to the moon and the sun in nature. These are symbolic usages of the words showing the nature of God. This means that God as the source of the universe manifests Himself in the form of two principles such as Yin-Yang, containing meaningful qualities, as Schleiermacher says, "Deity, by an immutable law, has compelled Himself to divide His great work even to infinity. Each definite I j thing can only be made up by melting together two opposite i _________________________________________________________________________________________________________ activities. Each of His eternal thoughts can only be actu alized in two hostile yet twin forms, one of which cannot exist except by means of the other. Ten manifestations of God. As can be seen in the verse (P VI 82), the Tenrikyo God is divided into ten syra- ! bolic manifestations which are named (1) Kunitokotachi no Mikoto or His Earthly Eternally-Standing Augustness, (2) Qmotaru no Mikoto or Her Weighty Augustness, (3) Kunisat- | suchi no Mikoto or Her Augustness the Earthly Elder-of-the -' Passes, (4) Tsukiyomi no Mikoto or His Darkness-Piercing Augustness, (5) Kumoyomi no Mikoto or Her Cloud-Reading Augustness, (6) Kashikone no Mikoto or His Augustness the Awful Man, (7) Taishokuten no Mikoto ot His Augustness the Great-Eating.Heavenly King, (8) Otonobe no Miko to or His , i Augustness the Lord of the Great Place, (9) IZanagi no Mikoto or His Augustness the Male Deity Who Invites, and | (10) Izanami no Mikoto or Her Augustness the Female Deity j Who Invites.These ten deities are the manifestations of! 50 Schleiermacher, tfber die Religion, s. 5-6. J. Oman’s translation. On Religion, p. 3* Œhe translations of each of the deities are | taken from B. H. Chamberlain and D. C. Greene. For details^ see B. H* Chamber1ain, "Kojiki" (Recordé of Ancient Matters), Transactions of the Asiatic Society of Japan, supplement toi Vol. X, pp. T5-l8;' D. C. Greene, "Tenrikyo," Transactions of the Asiatic Society of Japan, Vol. XXIII, ppl 35-39. ]-2 ^ -------- Heavenly Reason and called collectively Tenri-0-no-Mikoto or Their Augustness the King of the Heavenly Reason. The first two deities are the most important deities who con tain other deities as segments of the manifestation of God as shown in the verses. Concerning these deities several explanations have been attempted by disciples and followers. The commonly accepted solution for these manifestations are listed below. 1. Kunitokotachi no Mikoto?^ According to the Divine Chronicle of the Muddy Ocean, this deity appears in the form of a dragon with one head and one tail. He ap pears in the heaven as the moon and presides over water on the earth and the moisture of the eye in man. According to Japanese legend, the dragon is a heavenly animal and re presents the deity of rain or the deity of sea. The Refer to Chamberlain, o£. cit., p. 16. The names given to each of the deities are very similar to those of Shinto which appeared in Ko j iki. However, there is no evidence of connection concerning the usage of the names. It is hard to see the reason why Miki used such names. It seems to be based on her allegorical way of inta^' prstation to illustrate the work of God to the people of her day. These are possibly the result of her naive sense for reflecting the Divine Reason in the universe and it will not be so important to call attention to them. Some of the names are found in Ko j iki but some are not. ---------- - --------------------------------------1 * 2 ' 7--- expressions "dragon" and "moon" may simply imply the most necessary source of the universe. This deity also mani fests Himself as a male principle representing the Yin principle of the universe. He appears in the north. The probable solution concerning the connection between the moon and the north is, according to D. C. Greene, "that great stress is laid upon the primacy of the moon among the heavenly bodies while the north is apparently consid ered as the central point in the siderial universe." Thus the symbolism of this deity may be understood as the original source of the dynamism of the universe. 2. Qmo taru no Miko to. ^4 contrast to the first deity, this deity appears in the form of a great serpent (snake) with twelve heads and three tails. She appears in the heaven as the sun presiding over fire and heat. The twelve heads correspond to one year (twelve months), one day based on the twelve hours of the day in the older Japanese custom, and to the twelve directions represented by twelve symbolic names of animals in the old Japanese Greene, op. cit.. p. 3 6. ^4 According to Ko jiki, this deity is translated as His Perfect Exterior %uguFtness. Chamberlain, pp. cit., p. 62. ■ i 2 8- calendar-. The three tails may be understood as a factor of equation 12/3 = 4, and the numeral four relates to the four directions, north, south, east, and west.^^ The serpent is an earthly animal representing the sacred missionary of deity according to Japanese legend. Serpent and sun may simply mean the opposite source of the universe. This deity also manifests Herself as a female principle repre senting Yang principle of the universe and appears in the south. This application of Yin and Yang is opposed to the popular usage of Yin-Yang theoryIt is not certain why such theories were brought into this concept. However, this brings certain suggestions for the key to the solution These two deities represent the dynamism contained in the Y. Moroi, 02.. cit.. Vol. XII, p. 62. ^ Thou^ the term Yin-Yang is used for convenience Of -understanding, -the different usage in Tenrikyo and the common term should be noted. According to Moroi, the pop ular usage of Yin-Yang denotes a female and male principle which is opposed to that of Tenrikyo. Generally, Yin is regarded as the moon and Yang is regarded as the sun. How ever, in Tenrikyo, moon denotes male and sun denotes female. This according to Moroi, "does not denote Moon and Sun in nature, but merely an allegorical expression by which we I should understand the reason of water and fire dwelling in I the nature of Moon and Sun." Water and fire seem to indi cate logos and pathos. The way of understanding of these words is unlimited. It is difficult to define the words exactly as Miki meant. Thus it will be proper to under stand these deities as the dynamic source. For details, refer to Y. Moroi, o£. cit., Vol. XII, p. 6 3. Kami concept of Tenrikyo, symbolizing eternity in itself* The eternity in itself is, however, nom other than the unmanifested self-existence which may be defined as the identity of contradiction. For the manifestation of the j self in history, the following ei^t forms of deity as | i tools appear in the creation of the world. j 3* Kunisatsuchi no Mikoto.^7 This deity appears in the form of tortoise and appears in heaven as the con- ! stellation Andromeda, in the southeast. She presides over | the female organ, the skin in man, and over the relation ships of things in general. According to Japanese belief, the tortoise is a symbol of long life. Since she represents relationships of all sorts, the symbol of this deity may ! be understood as a principle of cohesion. The growth of humanity is projected through this deity. i I 4# Tsukiyomi no Miko to. This deity appears in ! the form of a grumpus and appears in heaven as the constel lation, Great Bear, in the northwest. He presides over the male organ, bone in man, and all sorts of framework to support the body. According to the Japanese belief. 57 In Kojiki, this deity appears as a male deity Refer to Chamberlain, o£. cit., p. 17* 58 Refer to Greene, 0£. cit., p. 3 6. ------------------------ shachl, or grumpus, is a symbol of rising activity. This deity may be thought of as the symbol of the principle of support. The seed of humanity is projected through this deity. 5. Kumoyomi no Mikoto.-^ This deity appears in the form of an eel and appears in heaven as the star LuciJfer (morning star), in the east. She presides over the ali mentary processes in man and generally over the evaporation and condensation of water. This deity may be thought of as a symbol of the principle of revolution, since the deityîs role is that of presiding over the processes of entrance and exit. 6. Kashikone no Mikoto. T h i s deity appears in the form of a halibut and appears in heaven as a . constel lation in the southwest. He presides over air and respira tory system in man and wind in nature. This idea was prob ably suggested by the form of the flat fish resembling a fan, thereby suggesting air in motion. This deity may be thou^t of as the symbol of the principle of motion. 5^ Refer to ibid., p. 37. This name is not found in Shinto. 60 x,oc. cit. In Shinto this deity appears as a female translated, "Her Augustness the Awful Lady." See Chamberlain, 0£. cit., p. 17# ---- 7. Taishokaten no Mikoto. T h i s deity appears in the form of glove-fish and appears in heaven, possibly, as the North Star, in the northeast. He presides over the sundering of relationships of all kinds, especially over the sundering of the relationship between parent and child at birth, and between soul and body at death* This idea is taken from the poisonous nature of the glove-fish. This; deity may be understood as the symbol of negative principle*! / Q 8. 0tonobe no Miko to. This deity appears in I . the form of a black-snake and appears in heaven as the Evening Star, in the west. He presides over the function of drawing out, especially over maternity and the germina tion of seeds. This deity may be understood as the symbol of the principle of growth. 9. Izanagi no Mikoto. This deity appears in the form of a merman and appears in heaven as the star Aquila. He presides over paternity. This deity is a model of man, embodying the seed of the male in creation* Refer to Greene, o£. cit., p. 3 8. 62 deity appears as a female in Ko.1 iki. See loc. cit. Refer to Chamberlain, c£. cit., p. I8. ... — 132 10. Izanami no Mikoto.^4 This deity appears in the form of a white snake and appears in heaven as the star Vega. She presides over maternity as a model of woman, embodying the seed of humanity in creation. These concepts of the ten deities constitute the cosmogony in Tenrikyo doctrine. The use of many symbolic terms of animals and stars was made to aid the understand ing of the people. The above given are the commonly ac cepted parabolic explanations of the ten deities. To be of value in this study it should be further developed and comparison made with various concepts of other oriental religions. These names of deities are sometimes found in Ko jiki but have no similarity in their activities and im plications which are found in Tenrikyo. Thus Miki simply seemed to have taken the names of Shinto deities in ex plaining each segment of God’s manifestations. Personal God. The God who appeared in the dual principle Tsuki-Hi, later manifested Himself as Oya, as mentioned before. The transformation and the identity of names were indicated in the poems (P IV 79 and P VI 102), and the precise moment of change is told by Miki. ^4 Refer to loc. cit. ------------------------------------; --------------------------133---- Hitherto I have taught you by the name of both "Moon and Sun," But from now on the name shall be changed. (F XIV 29) What is the significance of the concept of Oya? This con cept is another step toward a more concrete explanation for the concept of Creator. This is seen in the terms Motonaru Oya or Original Parent (P VIII 73; IX 26, 30, 31), Ningen hajimeta Oya or Parent vho created man (P VIII 75, 78; XVI 4), and more precisely in the following verses. Being the Creator of the world, I am the Parent of all human beings. '(P IV 62) All human beings are My children and They must understand that I am their Parent* (P IV 79) Miki’s intention seems to have been to introduce God as a creator. If the people had been able to understand, this term from the first revelation, Miki probably would have introduced this term then. However, the people were not ready for this term. Therefore, the transformation of the name of God, from Kami to Tsuki-Hi to Oya, should be understood as paralleling Miki’s personal reflection on the God concept and also the ability of people to under stand. It is natural, therefore, that the term Oya was not / emphasized until much later. In Tenrikyo, these three terms are unified and de signa, ted by the term Kami. This Kami is the absolute as God and the everlasting contradiction as two principles in nature, vhich. may be called the absolute self-identifi cation of contradiction. It is not a mere concept of sub stance, but a concept of self-evolving dynamism. In other words, this Kami is the God who creates Himself throu^ negating the medium of His dynamism of two principles. The words, "Two, at the same time. One, is indeed the Heavenly R e a s o n ,"85 signify such a dialectical god concept. Thus, it should be understood as an existing God who reveals Himself in history in the sense of transcendence and imma nence, not as a mere god of idea. This is clear in the terms such as Kami no yukoto or "the words of God" (P I 59), Kami no yukoto shikato kike or "listen to the words God speaks" (P II l8), Kami ga shirasu or "God lets you know" (P V 11), and Kami ga yurusu or "God permits" (P V 27). This God is the God who manifests Himself as. a personal God in the first person.However, this God is not a mere objective other-being, but is a subjective other-being which should be differentiated from a mere god ^ Tenrikyo Central Church, Qkakisage. Qkakisage is a written paper to be given to the followers on occa sions of Grant, a Tenrikyo ritual. Also see Tadamasa Pukaya, "Osashizu ni okeru Mujun ni tsuite" (On Contra diction in Osashizu), Pukugen, Vol. XXI, pp. 14-42. 88 por details, see Y. Moroi, op. cit.. Vol. IX, p. 70. of idealism or anthropomorphism. According to this, the personal God does not stand against man in the term of human dimension, but appears from behind man or from tran scendental dimension. God as reason is at the same time the God of personalism^"^ forming the I-thou relationship y with man in love. And this was the unique characteristic of the positive revelation in Tenrikyo. Religion comes to existence when we meet with absolute existence as living personality. • . . . . Revelation is not to give the same worldly order to the being in this world. The coming reality as a stranger, unknowable being, and unresistable power is the revelation of God.°9 Thus, the nature of the Tenrikyo God concept finds its real meaning by knowing the self-appearance of God Himself in a personal relation to man through faith. It may be re garded as a sign of the presence of God. Relationship between God and the Foundress. What then is the role of the Foundress? According to Ofudesaki, the same term Oya used to refer to God is sometimes used for the Foundress. 87 Refer to Hatano, op. cit., "God of Love." Also see y. Moroi, op. cit., pp. 65-69. Hatano, op. cit., p. 47. 69 Ibid.. p. 8 0. This is indeed the native place of Creation, And I am the original Parent in human creation. (P VI 55) The Parent who began the creation of man Is living here. This is indeed a fact. (P VIII 37) These two verses describe the nature of the Foundress. "I" in the first verse implies Miki herself and "Parent" in the two verses implies that the soul of Miki has a sig nificance as the womb for the seed of humanity in creation The Foundress as a "Hinagata" or model of man is an im portant factor in Tenrikyo doctrine. According to Doroumi Koki, the Foundress is named I zanami no Mikoto (Her August ness the Female Deity Who Invites; see ten deities). If there is any other Creator, You may find Him. (F VIII 75) No one knows the sincerity of the Parent Who will receive the gift of God for man. (P IX 62) Now you must know that even if Their teachings are given through my mouth. My mind is indeed Theirs. (F XII 67) You must clearly understand that Both Moon and Sun borrow my mouth and at the same time lend me my mind. (F XII 6 8) These verses emphasize the nature of the Foundress as Kami no Yashiro or "Shrine of God," implying that God is dwelling within Miki and thus making Miki a human mani festation of God. The concept, "Shrine of God," differs in meaning when compared with the concept, 137 " m e d i a t o r , "70 other religions. That is, the concept directly shows the raediatress not only as a savior or mes senger of God shown in one verse (F IX 62), but also as living manifestation of God Himself as shown in the verses (F IX 67 and 68) above. In Tenrikyo, this nature of the Foundress is called the causation dwelling in the soul of the Foundress, as indicated before. This concept, with the concept of place Jiba and the concept of time for révélation, plays an important role in Tenrikyo. How then is the Foundress related with Jiba and time? Jiba is commonly called Oyazato or the native place where the Parent dwells. This symbolic term may be understood as the holy place for the purification of human mind.^^ Though I worked on the teaching of Heavenly Reason at this residence for fifty years, why do you not realize the way of God and the way of nature? You must realize that you had been in a selfish way without knowing the source of real life. It 70 Throughout her life, Miki had behaved as a being completely identical with God. Thou^ it is possible to see her humanistic approach to God in some of her verses, they seem to have been only a methodological teaching for the benefit of her followers. Thus the concept of the "Shrine of God" is not a mere concept of mediator, but it should be understood as the holy abode or the holy tool of God Himself . See Tadamasa Pukaya, "Tenrikyo no Konponkyogi ni tsuite" (On the Fundamental Doctrine of Tenrikyo), Tenrikyo- gaku Kenkyu. Vol. VII, p. 10. -------------------------------------------------- had been already in time fulfilled; you must realize this and spend the rest of your life purifying your mind at this Oyazato. (S 21-ll-l4)| This is the Oyazato. Oya implies the meaning of 'deeper reason and originality.* Thus the im portance is that you must carry your life identi fying your heart with the significance of this place. (s 2 3-6-2 3) The Oyazato used in the above quotations is simply a com monly used name for Jiba. Concerning the origin of Jiba, several views had been discussed in the past, but none of them is a satisfactory explanation. They were distorted explanations based on phonetic form.In this Jiba, it is said that Kanrodai or "Nectar Vessel" is to be estab lished and the Foundress is to mediate the gift of God to man. That God the Parent protects human beings with His omnipotence Is because of the causations of Jiba and the real Parent. (F VIII 4?) You have never understood what this favour meant. I mean to give you His Gift. (P VIII 79) You may wonder to whom it will be given. It shall be given to the Creator (meaning the Foundress). (F IX 61) As a visible evidence of the creation, I will place Kanrodai. (F XVII 9) According to ihe above verses, Jiba and the Foun dress are no.t to be separated. The close connection 72 Refer to Eckel, op. cit., p. 55> between the two concepts makes the Po-undress mediatress between God and man at this very place, not anywhere else. Thus the concept of Jiba may be understood as the starting place of salvation and holy communion. The Kanrodai was once built at this place, as shown in verse, (P XVII 9), but this symbolic stone was taken away by police authority during the period of persecution. How the Hinagata Kanrodai 73 or Model Kanrodai has been built. Thus the realization of Kanrodai Sekai or "World of the Nectar Vessel" (Kingdom of God) became an eternal ideal goal of Tenrikyo according to Miki. When the purification of the heart of all the world is realized, the Poundress will appear in Jiba again and an ideal world will be established. This idea, which is similar to the prophecy of coming Kingdom of God in Christianity, necessitates the continuous struggle of man kind toward the eternal future as man is created in the image of God. Thus the concept of time which brought about the appearance of the first revelation in history produced another concept of time which will be brought about in the future by God. It is a teaching in Tenrikyo that each individual realizes the shrine of God in himself by 73 Por detailed information on the history of Kanrodai, see S. Hakayama, Hitokoto Hanashi Vol. II, pp. 17|l-l86 • ^ ■ ■ r i î X ) purifying his own heart. In this sense Tenrikyo places great stress on eternal endeavour for the realization of . the union of eternity and time in the individual, thereby becoming a more precise religion of this world. Summary. As mentioned before, Tenrikyo came into existence in the soil of naive folk belief during the period of religious dilemma and was undoubtedly the outcome of the religious desire of the people, especially that of the uneducated lower class who possessed no systematic understanding. It is, thus, natural that the teaching reflects variously the understanding of the people of the day, and that many explanatory forms and symbolism took place in the process to bring out the ultimate concept of God the Parent which has been a unique feature of this religion together with the concept of three moments, in comparison to the G;od concept traditionally understood by the people. As a seed sown grows by its own energy, though conditioned somewhat by the earth to which it is destined, Tenrikyo has formed its final God concept, based on original revelation and modified by enviroimental restrictions. The real activity which dwells in its God concept, thus, has enabled this religion to advance to a religion of high®' realism from its earlier stage in which other beliefs have remained. CHAPTER VI ETHICAL TEACHING In the preceding chapter it was made clear that God in Tenrikyo appears to man in a personal relationship as a creator. What then is the intention of God toward this world? The purpose of this chapter is to clarify the re lationship between God and man and to arrive at the basis of the ethical teaching in Tenrikyo. I. HEAVENLY REASON AS THE PATH OF GOD-MAN RELATION As indicated in the preceding chapter, God appears as a personal god of transcendence. In the past, it is said that there existed a certain coherent order from the natural world to the human world and it was called the law of nature. According to the Shinto concept. Ten or heaven was meant as merely the place where the eight hundred milliards of gods live. This mythological idea later de veloped "into the concept Tento or heavenly way or Tenri or heavenly reason under the influence of the Confucian con cept of A en or heaven. With the development of the god concept into the ethical stage, the concept of heaven was transformed into an ethical ideal with a popular expression Makoto wa Ten no Michi (sincerity is the way of heaven). Such an expression reflected the relative relationship of the heavenly order and man * s will, and the naive concept of the ancient heaven became a more articulate form of human order. However, it was not yet conceived as having a personal relation in working with man, but as an object like natural law which is to be sought after and looked upon by man. In other words, in the traditional concept, the heavenly way or heavenly reason indicates a more or less impersonal truth. The homo centric view is greatly stressed in it as a coherent order in human action, and thus it re mained as a mere moral teaching which cla.rified the truth as an idea. Contrary to the traditional concept of Ten, the implication of the same character. Ten (heaven), is shown in a different way in Tenrikyo. According to Ofudesaki, the examples which indicate the meaning of Ten are : Ten no Atae or " the gift of heaven" (P IV 12; VIII 87; X 3lp), Ten yori fukai Omowaku or "deep concern of heaven" (P X 2), Konoyo £ 6sameru mo Kami, Ten mo Kami or "You call the governor Kami (above), and also heaven Kami (God)" (P IV lOij.), Konoyo no Ji ^ Ten towa Jitsu no Oya or "the earth and heaven of this world are the real Parent" (P X 5U) • In these usages heaven is understood personally in the same ------------ jjQj- explanatory sense as Tsukl-Hi or Oya. In other words, the word Ten merely denotes another name for God. Such an idea of heaven naturally brings about a dynamic relation toward man. Thus this idea of heaven postulates the existence of the path or route through which a transcendental being becomes immanent in this world. Miki ^ 8 expression, "Rd £a Kami ya, Makoto hi tot su ga Ten no ri (Reason is God, and sincerity alone is heavenly reason),” seems to denote that the heavenly reason as sincerity is the path or route as a topos where transcendence and im manence of God can be seen. Heavenly reason, thus, is to be understood as the route or path^ through which the tran scendental God manifests Himself as the God of immanence. It should be clearly distinguished from the traditional concept in i&iich heavenly reason or the heavenly way im plies the objectively understood truth or logos or law of nature. The heavenly reason now can be understood as the topos where transcendental God becomes immanent. Then how is a personal God interrelated to this world through the divine path? ^ These words were Miki * s reply to Moriya Chikuzen, supervisor of shrines in Yamato district, who visited her in 1 8 6 5• Impressed by this expression, he recommended an official sanction for the mission. See Chapter III, Sect.S 2 Y. Moroi, op. cit. , Vol. IX, pp_ . _ 7if^75^ r i f i j . II. THE INTENTIONS OP GOD The purpose of God is shown in the first words spoken by Miki; "I do sc ended from heaven to save all human b e i n g s ."3 These words will give a 'clue to understanding the relationship of God and man. The word "to descend" does not mean to descend simply from above or from a higher place in the same dimensional sense as used in daily life.^ In the verse, "Now I will reveal myself, and tell you all the truth," (P I 3) shows that it means "arawareru" or "to appear," "to reveal," or "to come out." It seems that God as a sustainer of this world opens His inner quality with the fullness of time, and finds the real significance of His presence in this world in saving human beings. This is more precisely stated in, "As I am in haste to save you all . . ." (M J 8) and ". . .So will true deliverence now begin." (M III k) Though I have looked over the world since creation, I find no one who understands My heart. (P I 1) So it should be, for you have never been told. It is not strange that you know not. (P I 3) These two verses appear in the beginning of the 3 Tenrikyo Central Church, Tenrikyo Eyoten (The Doctrine of Tenrikyo), p. 3* (Writer^ s translation) ^ Por details, see Y. Moroi, o£. cit., Vol. XII, P • __________________________________________ __ Ofudesaki and the Hikagurauta. They show the intention of God, who, standing between the transcendental outer world and this world, speaks, "No one understands My heart," and adds as an afterthought, "It is no wonder that you know not." You must reflect over the fact that The world is nothing but the bosom of God the Parent. (F III i|0) You know nothing about His sincerity And His daily protection. (P V ?B) Thus God as the unknown to human beings speaks of His benevolent love. It is God who embraces all as His self-manifestation in continuous self-creation. Here the pantheistic way of manifestation can be found. However, it is not a mere pantheistic expression, but it is an evidence that a monotheistic God of transcendence sustains the world by His immanence in this inner world.^ It is clear from the above that the love and work of God existed prior to the revelation. ^ Y. Moroi shows the relationship of transcendence and immanence in the following: God = God Reason Work (Transcendence ) (Medium) (Immanence ) V God is immanence as work, but God Himself is Thou^ wondrous deliverances have been seen. This is the first time that I reveal Myself. (M X 2) Hitherto all the world is indeed under God, Yet this is the first time for me to mediate. (P I 70) The works of God have been continuously given to the world since He began the creation. The revelation is advice to the world to search for the original meaning of history. According to the verses above, the revelation is a stress on the beginning of the transition from the phenom enal world to the essential world. Therefore, Kami no Sakikomi, or "the urging from God," and Jitsu no Tasuke, or "real deliverance," are the evidence of God's intention toward the completion of the transition that is to be found as the way of fulfillment of man's life. It is easy to see the efforts of God to become related with man for his sal vation from the many usages of the term "tasuke," "save" or "salvation," in the Mlkagurauta and the Ofudesaki. The usage of the term in the Mikagurauta is shown in the fol lowing page. According to the following Table II, the term "tasuke" is playing an important role^ following the most transcendent. Thus the idea does not denote a mere pan theism. It is well to understand this pantheistic expres sion as the way of easy-understanding of God for the world Por details, see ibid.,Vol. IX, pp. 72-75- ^ Refer to ibid., p. 52. ____ _ ______________ TABLE II COMPARISON OF THE USAGE OP VARIOUS TERMS IN MIKAGURAUTA Terms Number of times used Kokoro or heart 2 4 Tasuke or deliverance 18 Kami or God 16 Sekai or world 10 Ichiretsu or people 10 Mune or mind 10 Tokoro or place 7 Shinjin or belief 6 Yoku or avarice 6 Tsutome or service 5 Pushin or construction 5 Hinokishin or daily service 5 Toryo or master carpenter 5 Yamai or disease 5 Isai or all, everything 4 Denji or rice field 4 Ukagai or invocation 3 Jiba 3 Yama to 3 Ashiki or evil 3 Shian or consideration 3 Daiku or carpenter 3 ----------------------------— -------------rif8 important term"kokoro" or heart. Thus, the term "tasuke," as the medium of the active union of God and man, is an important element in the ethical foundation of Tenrikyo. In other words, the term "tasuke," as a work or activity, may be understood as the realization of eternity in time. God being sincerity itself, daily You must pay attention to His deep thoughts. (P IV 127) God the Parent performs anything and everything With the sole object of saving the whole world. (P VI 130) You must perfectly understand that anything and everything In this world is under His divine control. (P VII 11) The positiveness of God is shown as a continuous creation, and the love of God appears as divine protection in the above verses. Moreover the verse, "It was indeed to see the happy and cheerful living of human beings that They created the whole world," (P XIV 2$) is an important elonenti of the image of man in Tenrikyo teaching and should be made clear with the original intention of God in creation. III. IMAGE OP MAN IN CREATION Originally this world was an immense expanse of muddy waters. Tsuki-Hi, God the Parent, found this chaotic condition unbearably tasteless, and thought of creating human beings so that He might share their Joy by seeing their Yokigurashi (or cheerful and 149 bliaaful life).^ This is the first historical expression of God ac cording to Doroumikoki with reference to the creation. This quotation, though it is simply allegorical, indicates that God first thought of creation to enjoy the sight of living human beings as His manifestation and shows an im portant element in the Tenrikyo image of man. The process seems to be a manifesting process of self-consciousness of God Himself, Which may be called the self-evolution of absolute Geist.^ The creation is motivated through the dialectic monologue of God the Parent by sensing the chaotic condition as "unbearably tasteless." This process seems to denote the procedure from the stage of ^ sich sein to the stage of fiir sich sein in God Himself. So far as God remains in the original stage {sn sich sein), God Himself shall not complete His activity as the embodiment of his tory even though He has originated all. Such a God is 7 Tenrikyo Central Church, The doctrine of Ten rikyo (English Translation), p. 28. ^ Y. Moroi shows the interesting analysis by Hegel concerning the process of evolution; i.e., from sein (being to Michts (not being), furthermore to werden (becoming), and thus Dasein (existence) rises. However, this Daseln ^ is restricted by others. Thus, it is fur anderes (for the other). The real infinite rises in becoming fiir sich (for itself) through this fiir anderes. Y. Moroi, o£. cit., Vol. XII, pp. 65-66. merely a hidden God* God becomes a revealed God only by transforming Himself into the stage of fur sich sein. Self evolving activity follows this change of status. Based on such a principle, human creation starts as the inevitable evolution of the above-mentioned process of fur sich sein in God Himself. The purpose of creation is shown clearly in the joyful living of mankind. Thus, the realization of history is to be completed as the embodiment of divinity which may be called the timely expression of eternity. It is also interesting to note that the human creation started by making Hinagata (model or pattern) using the proper materi als and tools which are expressed by symbolical animals.^ It is indeed difficult to begin anything from nothing. They began to collect deities as Their instruments. (P VI 82) The process of creation, in that God designs the model of mem after testing the pureness of each animal,seems to suggest that the original nature of man is the segment of an emanation from God. Thus, the eternal nature of man seems to dwell in a divine affirmation through negation which is the most elemental quality in religious existence. 10 details, see The Doctrine of Tenrikyo, Chap. III. ^ ---------- I5'i---- In this way, the ideal image of man in Tenrikyo, as the historical manifestation of divine creation, stands characteristically against the popular concept of man in the period of the Foundress. It seems to show that God is concerned about man and expects man to be the realization of His intention. The point shows a unique differentiation from the popular thought of Buddhistic expectation for this world. That is, Tenrikyo was concerned especially with man, while popular Buddhism was concerned equally with all * T1 creatures. It was natural that Miki' s intention seems to be in emphasizing the meaning of human life by comparing it to animal life, as she often spoke in terms of animal life when she explained the teaching of Innen (Causation). Thus, she reflected in her mind a different image of man even thou^ her religious background was deeply influenced by Buddhism and other popular beliefs. Being the Creator of the world. All human beings are equally My children. (F IV 62) Both Heaven and Earth are your true Parents. Human beings first originated from Them. (F X 54) All human beings are indeed brothers and sisters. And there exists none who is an utter stranger. (F XIV 53) H Refer to Kangakuryo, Shinko Shukyo Kaisetsu (Outline of New Religion), p. 92. --------- 152---- God the Parent loves His children quite indiscrimi nately. There is no discrimination whatever. (P XV 69) In the above verses, the term Kami no Kodomo, or "the children of God," is used. This term made the Ten rikyo concept of man unique among the traditional religions and newly born religions of Miki's days. According to Doroumikoki. human creation was begun through the creation of a parental model as indicated before. This indicates that man is created equally as the reincarnation of the divine soul throu#i the original parent created by God. In other words, originally man emanated from God and man's reality came into existence only in the topos (place) where the union of living with God existed. Generally man is regarded as a being of soul and flesh, but in Tenrikyo this idea of separation of soul and flesh is not considered. That is, soul and flesh are closely inter-related to each other through Innen. Now, the reason you ask Me is because you do not know the truth about your body. Since you ask, I will tell you. The way of this teaching is the way of heart only. I will not tell you to do this or to do that. However, listen carefully and try to understand thoroughly. Man is a being who has bor rowed his physical body from God and whose mind only is his own. If you do not understand the truth about your heart, you will not realize the truth of all things. You must welcome all things in your mind, reflecting the law of this world. . . . Your body will reflect the condition of your mind. If your mind is cheerful, yoor physical body will not be disturbed. . . ._______________ (S 33-6-I) j ------------ “ 153---- Your bodies are nothing but loans from Him. Why do you not realize the work of God. (P III 126 If you cannot understand that your bodies are loaned. You will never understand Me. ^ (P III 137) All things in this world were created by both Moon and Sun, And human bodies are nothing but loans from Them. (P VI 120) Not only your tools, but also your bodies are Nothing less than loans from Him. (P XIII 4^) The above quotation and verses show that the real ground of human existence is the human soul which emanated from God, and that the body is regarded as a loan from God and measured by the degree of purity of the individual soul. Essentially the soul in humanity is the eternal segment, and it dwells in the nature of man which reflects divine intelligence. This is in the following popular phrase in Tenrikyo, "Kokoro Hitotsu ga Waga no Ri," or "Heart (Mind) only is your own." Thus, man is created originally as a self-identifying being in creative action. In other words, man is a being who was originated in such an existential manner as a being created and as a being who creates history in eternity. The body as Kashimono- Karimono, or "loaned and borrowed," has its real signifi cance as a tool of the soul for the realization of the Kingdom of God. This indeed was the intention of God in the creation of man. Further, the image of man in Tenrikyo has two na- 12 tures; nameDy, personal nature and instrumental nature. As indicated before, the creation of man was started throu^ the fur sich sein process of God Himself. The necessity of the historical evolution of God brought the findings of various tools ; the physical body was designed to be an instrument of the soul vitalized by the divine will as a historical subjectivity directly connected to God as tran scendence. Miki's image of man was conceived in ideal and practical cognition. A dignified man as a subject of personality is, in Tenrikyo, a man of thought who at the same time is a man of action. It is natural that the unity of intelligence and practice (work) is emphasized for the realization of virtue in Tenrikyo. As the personality (soul) and instrumentality (body) are completely reconciled in the individual, the relationships between eternity and phenomenon and idea and practice are also considered in unity. Such a view is a spontaneous expression of Miki's personality. In her life prior to the revelations, Miki's reply to a neighbor urging her to rest from her work was 12 Refer to Shinzo Yamoehi, "Ningen no Jinkakusei oyobi Dogusei ni tsuite" (On the Personal Nature and Instru mental Nature of Man), Tenrikyogaku Kenkyu, Vol. VII, pp. 18-50.____________; _______________ _________________ ----- 155 simply, "Man was born to work." That she loved to labor is obvious in her synthesis of religious activities. She was not a mere human being of thought but also a human being of work. Accordingly her image of man appeared as a practical type of man, thereby making impossible the con sideration of Tenrikyo teachings apart from this earthly world. This world plays an important role in Tenrikyo and in all its teachings. Tenrikyo appeared not as a religion of the beyond, but as a religion of this mundane world. Generally in the past there were two main streams of theory concerning human existence. One theory stressed the ideality of man while the other stressed the materiality of man. The difference of viewpoint brought about a severe conflict in the distinction of spiritualism and materialism Each school of thought developed its own theory to justify its view and the two views were never reconciled. It is important, not only for the world view of an individual, but also for the fundamental principles of living, to ar rive at the right view. However, as long as man remains in such dualism, he shall never come to a harmonious settle ment. This conflict of dualism was hei^tened by the rise of Marxism. It is interesting to note that the birth and expansion of Tenrikyo occurred parallel to such a conflict of thought. In Tenrikyo, the basic principle concerning the existence of man is different from both theories discussed above. It is idealistic and at the same time realistic in that soul (eternal segment) and body (loaned and borrowed) are unified as a totality idiich is indeed the image of man in Tenrikyo. Soul symbolizes the inner transcendental nature as instrument of the subject. This view brings out the superiority of ideality in man's nature against the environmental physical world. He releases himself from the bonds of natural causation through his active poiesis in creation. In this sense, Tenrikyo may be regarded as a religion of idealistic approach. However, the teaching concerning the soul produces an energetic struggle for the realization of the shrine of God in each individual throu^ the self-consciousness of co-living with God. In other words, through the guidance of God the Parent, man finds his own significance in the continuous realization of eternity in himself. And this is the real tasuke or "sal vation" which is dealt with in Tenrikyo. Thus, humanity in man is characterized by the term Tamashii no Ri, or "reason dwelling in soul," which reflects upon Kami no Ri, or "divine reason," in the personal relation of love. IV. ETHICAL GROUND IN MAN Such an image of man developed the concept of Shin- jit au or Make to, or "sincerity," as a necessary elemental motive in human behavior. Miki's naive worship of gods prior to her revelation brou^t the importance of a sincere mind to her teaching. She held a strong conviction that man can communicate with God when his mind is filled with sincerity. The great number of usages of the word "Shin- jitsu" in Ofudesaki^3 g^iows that she stressed this concept in the salvation of man. The relationship between God and man through reflective action between the divinity of God and the humanity of man in the topos of heavenly reason spontaneously becomes the source of faith. It is then clear that the Tenrikyo image of man is that of a being who is a created creator in nature. In other words, man controls his environment by creating his tory as a manifestation of divine reason, even thou^ he himself is physically limited. In releasing himself from the causation of nature, man keeps the creative subjectivity. However, in reality, man is far from such an ideal image. ^3 In Ofudesaki the term "Shinjitsu" appears 18 0 times. Because mam was given creative ability, he is tempted to a self-reliant motive in his actions and then to independence from God. The fall of man as seen in Christianity cannot be found in Tenrikyo. However, the idea of a fall comes from self-reliant creation. According to past thinking, man is a being who was once created and lived in nature controlled by its law in the ancient and medieval ages. He found himself as a being who creates or is the subject against nature in the modern age. However, man could not help finding the self-contradictory nature of himself in be coming the self-reflective being, which is the destination he as a creative spirit was to attain. Thus, the freedom of man is restricted by causation. The freedom of the self-reliant spirit was merely an antithesis to the causa tion of the creature ruled by the law of nature. The con tinuous creation was a synthesis of these opposing natures in man. Man should see the idea of creation in himself, and he should behave according to his inner idea. Man exists as an antithesis to nature when he follows his inner idea. However, the continuous growth of conscience toward the idea of creation brought self-contradiction to man. Thus, man is after all the self-reliant being having no ground to stand on, which is the final fate of the . 159 self-restrictive nature of reason on which man stands# The ethics of modern man could not avoid the arrival of dis union in itself because of the inherited nature of man. Thus, the postulated religion which is beyond the limits of ethics now appears as the ground of ethics. In other words, as the highest.good becomes established through eternal virtue, so becomes ethics through religion. The reason is to survive only through the medium of faith in a final stage of self-disunification of itself. Thus, religion and ethics are inseparably related. As ethics is eternally harmonized by being led into religion, so religion finds its manifestation in this world through ethics. The rise of self-autonomous modern man eventually led to his fall in self-contradiction as a result of ig norance of his own created nature. A similar process took place in Tenrikyo. The heart of man Is so prompt to suspect. (M VI 1) Therefore, it is no wonder That you are doubtful. (P XII 120) Even thou^ I have told you the truth ever so often. Even My followers entertained a doubt about it. (P XIII 62) But now you must not doubt it. If you doubt it. Both Moon and Sun will withdraw from your bodies. (P XIII 63) --- It may sound too tiresome, yet I must repeat this again. If you doubt it, you shall repent of it. (P XIII 641) If you doubt these words, A dreadful path shall appear before you. (P XIV Si) The capacity of self-autonomy or self-identification by reason brings about the closure of self. However, as the reason comes to self-contradiction through its self- restrictive nature, the man \ùio tries to exist completely within himself is led to the same fate. Man is, after all, a being of inter-relationship within himself, a concept which gives a relative, restrictive nature to the meaning of human existence. Man brings the forfeiture of himself léien in seeking self through self-awareness he finds the deep abyss of nothingness which lies in the ground of his existence. Transformation from reason to faith takes place in this forfeiture of self. This transformation in Ten rikyo takes the form of Tebiki or "guidance" and Teire or "warning" of God. There is indeed nothing that can be called illness or pain. They are nothing but My guidance. (F II 7) There is nothing in the whole world that can be called ^ illness.' An illness is nothing but the guidance of God the Parent. (P II 22) A slight eye-sore, a swell, or dizziness Is only His guidance. (P III 139) You must think over your illness, for you can find illness. Either for His guidance, admonition, or indignation. (P V 20) Day after day I will warn the men whom I should like to take as useful timbers. They must not take it as illness. (P III 131) To some I may often give warning with the object of making them useful timbers. But to others none for whom I have no wish whatever. (P III 1 3 2) Henceforward you shall suffer from,various illnesses. But they are indeed His warnings. (P VIII 81) You must not take anything for illness. It is nothing more than Their merciful warning. (P X 68) In case you suffer from some illness. It is nothing but the merciful warning from both Moon and Sun. (P X 71) Whatever may happen in your bodies. They are by no means illnesses but Their benevolent warnings. (P XIV 21) If you behave against His will. He cannot but give warning to you in illness or in household affairs. (P XV 70) These verses show a unique aspect of Tenrikyo concerning mental and physical healings. As indicated by the above verses, all illnesses are regarded as stepping stones to ward faith in the divine order. All physical and mental disturbances are considered merely as the reflection of man's mind, and all illnesses are cured by purification of his mind and the practice of teachings throu^ which man can attain the ideal image in creation. Man as a created creator, though he tries to close himself off from the restriction from others, is nothing more than the thinking reed whose transcendental nature makes him consciously disunited in the process from an sich sein to fur sich sein.^^ The fall of self-autonomous man is treated in Tenrikyo by the term Yamai or "disease." It is more precisely expressed in the term Kokoroe-chigai or "misuse of mind," Yamai no Mo to wa Kokoro kara or "ori gin of disease is in the mind," Kami no Zannen or "regret of God," Kami no Riifuku or "anger of God."^^ However deeply devoted you are to Me, You must not commit indiscretions. (M VI 7) Still you must be devoted. And if you make a mistake, renew you devotion. (M VI 8) How at last it is revealed. The source of disease is in the heart. (M X 10) As sich sein here indicates the stage of naive natural existence where there is no conscious reflection. Man can rise in cultural stages only by becoming a self- reflective being. As the process is seen in God in the term of hidden God and revealed God, so it is with man. Für sich sein comes to an end with love of God as a synthesis. These terms appear in following verses in Ofude- saki. Kokoro-Chlgal, (III 31, 95), (IV 42, 134), (V 25TI Kokoro-chigau, (ill 120), (V 8); Kokoro-chigaeba, (XIII 70), TXV" 31t 70); Kami no Zannen. (I 27), (III 58, 7Ü, 86, 121), (IV 34, 35, 4777“(XII 3, 49, 72, 108), (xvi 52, 58), (xvii 4 2 > 6 6 ^ 7 0 ; Kami no RllfuEu (I 25, 32), (II 32, 43), Though. I have taught you ever so often in Holy Scripts, It is indeed the regret of God that you do not understand it. (P IV 47) Those who are selfish and greedy Shall indeed receive the anger of God. (P II 43) These expressions indicate the deep love of God. They appear in man's consciousness as crises which are the re sults of disunion of self. This viewpoint is very similar to the Christian view in which God reveals His love through 1 A the medium of anger. In Christianity, salvation by the Love of God re sults through the negating medium of the indication of man's sin. The positive work of God toward man comes about through the indication of the fault of man in Tenrikyo. My severe regret is due to the fact That My son's conduct has never improved. (F I 34) A great many people with bad causation live in this world. You must take care not to stain yourself with dust. (F I 62) Yet in their minds dust is piled up so high That they can never understand His parental affection. (P VIII 61: Hitherto My regrets have been accumulated In My bosom ever so high. (P XII 3) The evil of man is pointed out by God to awaken the inner ideality of man. Concerning this view in Tenrikyo, Refer to Bible, Romans, Chapter I. r é > l î it is necessary to clarify the concept of Hokori or "dust,” Ashiki or ”evil,” and Innen or "causation*” These terms together with the term "Yamal" may be called the negative spring-boards from the phenomenal world to the eternal world* They are indications from God and at the same time indications of the self-awareness of man. However, these terms also indicate the environmental restriction of ide ality of man* There are no terms such as sin or original sin (peccatum originale) used in Tenrikyo. Looking all over the world and through all ages, I find nothing wrong* (P I $2 ) Indeed I find nothing wrong, yet I regret to see your spirits stained with tiny specks of dust* (P I 53) There is nothing in the i/ùiole world that can be called evil and pain* They are nothing but the guidance of God the Parent* (P II 22) Whether you have done right or wrong. You shall have rewards instantly* (P V 5U) As I am sorry that your wrongs shall be brought to light, I teach you so tediously on the same thing* (P VIII 53) You must take Their works at present unmistakably* They will never do bad things for you* (P XI 51) Henceforward whatever I may say or do. It is by no means from malice* - (P XIII 111) These verses show that the term Ashiki is used to refer to bad or evil in general and does not have specified meaning* All usages of the term Ashiki in 0fu.desaki refer to general evil* According to Y* Moroi, the meanings of Ashiki in Ofudesaki may be classified as (1) evil, moral evil (P I 53), and (2) a thing referred to as not being good including suffering* He indicates the second meaning as the more proper and brings in the opposite term Yoki or "good" to explain that the proper meaning of Ashiki is man’s will in opposition to the will of God*17 In other words, Ashiki is the unreasonable work of man against his own nature of ideality* The second verse in the above group of verses clarifies this view that man is not evil originally, but is only stained with dust* Man was created on a basis of good, but as a rela tive being of divine origin, he tends to feel anti-theistic toward his origin* In the process of becoming objective toward his origin, man produces the use of evil, according to Miki* She explained the use of evil in three stages; Hokori, Ashiki, and Aku-Innen* Through the accumulation of dust derives evil, and from evil an almost unremovable causation which restricts the freedom of man* In the past, freedom was regarded as a relatively opposing term for ^7 Y* Moroi, "Ningen Sonzai to sono Kyusai no Kiban" (Human Existence and the Ground of Its Deliverance), Tenrikyo-gaku Kenkyu, Vol* VI, p. ?• causation. This use was based on a dualistic approach, such as the concepts of das radikale Bose (radical evil) and das radikale Gute (radical good) Miki ’ 8 explanation was different from this view. The rise of the evil nature in man is the result of his moral motive, not the given nature such as original sin. Thus the concept of evil seems to be a phenomenal nature and the good, the original nature. In short, Tenrikyo moral teaching is based on the assumption that man is originally good. Though the concept of Innen is very much like that of Karma in Buddhism because of Miki’s earlier belief in the Jodo Sect, it simply indicates that causation developed through the continuous accumulation of evil. Such a view reflects Miki ’ s great emphasis on sincerity in man, as indicated before. When this dust has been swept away, Nothing is left but the salvation of the whole world. (P II 20) What do you think My miracles are? They are only the dusting of your minds. (P III 105) The present way is indeed dusty. So I have swept it with a broom. (P III li+S) Refer to Immanuel Kant, Die Religion Innarhalb der Blossen Vernunft, pp. 3-58. Also see T. M. Greene and H. H. Hudson, Religion Within the Limits of Reason Alone, pp. 15-49. -------------------------------------------------------------------- 1 6 7 ------ Pain, swells, fever, or loose bowels Are nothing but the dust in your minds* (P IV 110) Any and every person shall suffer from illness. Only xdien he makes his mind dusty. (P V 9) Yet in their minds dust is piled up so high That they can never understand His parental affection. (P VIII 61) Since the evil things are mingled in this world. You must take care not to stain yourself with causation. (P I 62) Each human being has his own causation. But I will make no discrimination whatever. (F IV 61) In these verses, the terms Hokori, Ashiki, and Innen are used. Of these three characteristic terms, Hokori is used 19 most frequently in referring to human nature. It is apparent that Miki emphasized the good underlying the nature of man. The view probably was brought about by certain influences of traditional Shinto in which the con cept of Kegare or "impurity"^® rather than the ordinary ^ In Ofudesaki the term "Hokori" appears 17 times in contrast to the term "Ashiki" which appears 13 times and "Innen" which appears 13 times, also. Generally in Shinto, the soul of man is good by nature and is led toward evil only by the influence from outside such as Magatsubi or "evil spirit." Throu^ the active work of Magatsumi, Tsumi (sin) is produced and Tsumi transforms into kegare. Thus, the purification of Kegare has been regarded as an important ritual in life. For details, see Sokyo Ono, Jin.jya Shinto Kowa (Lecture on Shrine Shinto), pp. 183-212. - 2£) 8 concept of sin is stressed. Though she was influenced by the Jodo Sect, Miki did not show the traditional Buddhistic heritage. Instead her way of teaching is much more like the idealistic approach based on the meaning of human ex istence. The view that man’s nature is radically good brings in another unique feature or concept, Denaoshi or "restart.” In Tenrikyo there is no concept of death which is as im portant theologically as the concept of sin in Christianity. While stressing dust in the sense of cleanable stains cover ing the soul of man, Miki introduced the concept of Denaoshi as the eternal creative moment by which believers hold faith in reincarnation. An interesting contrast is created by the concept of Hokori and Denaoshi in Tenrikyo and the concept of sin and death in Christianity. Miki introduced such an idea from her purified religious feeling. It has been related that Miki constantly taught her dis ciples that the purpose of this world is to attain a cheer ful living with God. Throughout her life, Miki sincerely aimed to lead her people to attain Yokigurashi or "happy and blissful life" through the work of God and human en deavour toward purification. Contrary to the typical re ligion of transcendence and immanence, no idea of severance between man and God exists in Tenrikyo, thou^ a transcendental God exists in this religion. It may be said that the Shinto is tic element and the Buddhistic element of evil concept were transformed by Miki and aided her in producing Tenrikyo as a bright and practical religion of this world. The image of man in Tenrikyo seems to give man a power to sweep away his own dust; but when the God concept is considered, Tenrikyo appears as a religion of other powers. However, the image of man does bring out a feature of Tenrikyo as a religion of self-power as illustrated in the following verse. Unless you sweep this dust off and make your mind clear. You shall never be saved however impatient I may be for your salvation. (P VIII 62) This means that the work of God and the endeavour of man are precisely divided, and that the salvation by God shall not reach him, unless man endeavours to purify his own mind I The following verse further indicates the absolute dignity of the given nature of man. If only the true God accepts your sincerity. Your dust shall be swept away, whatever it may be. (p XIII 2 3) This verse shows that man must sweep away his own dust under the responsibility and right which is the symbol of individual dignity given to the soul. In other words, the original nature of man appears in an intermediating ---------------------------------------- ^ ------------------------ 170----- relationship between the self-power possessing ideality and dignity as the created creator and the other power which is the work of God. It may be said that the self-transcendence is realized with the advancement of the self toward God in a relative restriction of self (man) and the other (God). The way to se If-transcendence is shown in the term Innen no Jikakg, or "self-awareness of causation." The self as an sich sein is transferred to the self as fur sich sein by knowing its own causation throu^ the work of God. The synthesis comes by way of the original ideality of self through the negation of causation. The union with God comes throu^ inner transcendence on the part of man and immanence from God. The purpose of creation, as indicated in the crea tion story, was aimed at the realization of Yokigurashi. The world view of Tenrikyo, thus, becomes a more idealistic expression of the harmonious unity of two worlds in a monistic approach. The significance of man’s real exist ence in this worldly order lies in being the manifestation of God Himself through devotion to the plan of God in his tory. In transcending his limitations by negating the phenomenal order, as if in unity with the whole accompanied by sublimation of the mind, the self-autonomy of man be comes divine self-autonomy in the original nature. Thus, ■------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------1 7 1 ------ the relation between man and God is to be transferred to thé relation between man and man, and a Tenrikyo world in which each individual loves and respects every other individual in the revealed love of God must be built. The Kingdom of God is to be realized as the positive work toward salvation based on original humanity. V. POSITION OP TENRIKYO TOWARD TRADITIONAL SOCIAL ORDER The above writing presents brief sketches of the Tenrikyo view on man. It is beneficial to trace how this view was socially manifested by Miki in the day of social change. It is a common truth that the populace and the governing group are not likely to be reconciled in any period unless the governing class holds an ideal policy based on virtue. It is natural that Miki emphasized a spiritual revolution based on democratic principles in contrast to the governing policy of the day. In the begin ning of this movement, Miki stood for the dignity of the individual; the enlightening of the individual brought about the active work of social change in the traditional society. Tenrikyo appeared in such a manner that it natu rally received serious persecutions from the traditional society. - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - ^ --------------------------------------------------------------------- Y Y 2------- There is no difference between the men of the upper and the lower class. They are My children alike. (P III 125) Whether you are men of the upper class or of the lower class. Your spirits have all emanated from Him. (P XIII 45) Men of both upper and lower classes are All His beloved children indiscriminately. (P XIV 53) Concerning the spiritual revolution, Miki states bravely and clearly her motive based on the teaching of God. If the social change had not been brou^t about, Miki might have taken a greater and more active leadership in the change. Miki often told the people about the abolition of feudal lords and the Tokugawa feudal system. She also PI told about the coming of a new age. Henceforward I will enter any difficult place. Sweep the dust away and make it as pure and clean as possible. (P II 29) Prom now on I will reveal Myself and Clean up the upper class. (P III 53) Henceforward I will make people cheerful So that peace shall reign all over the world. (P III 114) Henceforward both Moon and Sun will sweep the dust away Prom the heart of all human beings quite indis criminately. (P XII 8) Refer to Michiharu Mayeda, Tenrikyo no Shinken- kyu-(New Study on Tenrikyo). He illustrates the teaching of Miki from social viewpoint. Mayeda shows the interesting socio-religious impact with reference to the historical development of this religion. -------------------------------------------------------------- 173--- Listen! Hitherto the upper class have behaved Just as they wished toward the lower class. (P XIII 56] Tenrikyo stands for the people, and thus, is re garded as a socio-revolutionary religion by the intellec tuals because Miki’s teaching opposed the traditional so cial structure and gave dignity to individual existence. To Miki, the complete change of the social structure of the past century was of utmost necessity to bring about the realization of salvation. This change was to be aimed toward Kanrodai no Sekai, or the "Kingdom of God." Here is why the salvation taught in Tenrikyo is not merely indi vidual but also, to a great extent, social in nature. The | following verses explain this point. j Although the men of the upper class may do as they I like, I They are quite ignorant of their future. (F III 48), 1 I regret to see the upper class do as they like. (P III 121) Hitherto the upper class could do as they liked, j But henceforward the state of affairs shall be i changed. (P III 122)1 Men of the upper class may think that they can do anything they like. But this is indeed a mistake. (F III 124) Knowing nothing about My real intention, the upper class do as they like. What are they thinking about Me, I wonder? (P VI 66) Whatever the upper class may say or do. They do so from their selfish motives. (F VI 69) _--------------------- YYq: Miki tries to let the people know how man should live by indicating that the cause of unhappiness comes from an exaggerated stress on man’s autonomy. The indication is made socially as the haughtiness and selfishness of the upper class, who were privileged, selected people, as op posed to the common people who did not possess any ri^t. With the fall of the Bakufu, however, the social conditions underwent a complete change as foretold by Miki. Following the fall of the feudalistic Bakufu, the Meiji government extended its jurisdiction over religion by unifying the various religions into nationalistic form. This was quite natural as Japan was awakening as a nation among many other nations. The Meiji government naturally suppressed any anti-nationalistic movements or thoughts to protect the growth of the nation. Miki was persecuted because Tenrikyo struggled for the realization of universal love through many strange healings. However, the persecu tions did not weaken, her work. On the contrary, they spurred her on to a more vigorous campaign. In her eyes, the orders of human authority seemed a mere ripple in the sea. Miki simply expressed all her concerns in the term Sekai Hi tot su, or "one world," emphasizing the Divine Order over human law, thus aiming at a democratic spiritualism based on the dignity of the individual. Summary. Briefly, the Tenrikyo concept of God brou^t an image of man as the child of God. While tradi tional belief and teaching remained in a separated situa tion of God and man in the ethical view, the Tenrikyo view reached a more precise and concrete ground in its ethical teaching. Through the medium of heavenly reason and Tasuke by God Himself, man, who is essentially good in nature, is now able to attain more practical enlightenment. It is not too much to say that such simplicity and easiness of Tenri kyo teaching was most appealing to the mind of people who had no firm way of life in the chaotic days of changing society. Also the teaching which aimed for social salva tion as the final attainment through individual salvation was a notable factor in the success of this religion. The ideal goal of the coming Kingdom of God with its great glory must have appealed to the mind of people. It is interesting to note that Tenrikyo appeared in a form of social religion rather than individual religion in the midst of the rising social movements in the nineteenth century. CHAPTER VII PRACTICAL APPLICATION OP TEACHING The Tenrikyo image of man appears as the child of God. He is not a mere man of thinking but is also a man of creative spirit in history* What then does Tenrikyo teach ing say about the application of ethical principle in socio individual relations and in daily practices? In this chapter numerous practical features of this religion will be made clear, though some of them have already been intro duced briefly in preceding chapters. I. KASHIMONO-KARIMONO OR LOANED AND BORROWED As indicated in the preceding chapter Kashimono- Karlmono, as the way to enlightenment, plays an important role in Tenrikyo practice. Man was originally pure and was created as a spotless creature clothed in a physical body borrowed from the Parent. If man does not stray from divine reason and does not become selfish and lustful, his life should be perfect and full of happiness and liberty. However, man is full of dusts from selfish usage of his given freedom, and he becomes separated from God by these dust8^ Thus, it is necessary for man to find himself -------------------------------------------------------------- 177— physically as Kashimonc-Karimono so that he may lead himself toward divine reason. According to the traditional popular Buddhistic concept, the world is completely divided into two cate gories: namely, the essential and the phenomenal. The way to enlightenment, broadly, is conceived in three stages: (1) natural stage, the naive situation where no distinction between the subject and the object exists; (2) anti-natural stage, the disunited situation where the subject and the object are distinctively separated in negation; (3) the stage of nature as it is, the transcendental synthesis in immanence, the harmonious situation where the subject and the object are united under the light of essence of abso lute affirmation. Briefly, the second and the third stages are expressed in the common phrase, Shiki soku ze Ku, Ku 8Oku ze Shiki, or "the phenomenal object is indeed the emptiness, and the real emtiness is indeed the phenomenon." This indicates that the process of negating the phenomenal world for the essential world is transformed into the pro cess of affirming the phenomenal world as the self-mani festation of the essence. This process is referred to simply as Oso (approach to reality) Genso (reflection from reality as a part) in Buddhism. The concept Kashimono-Karimono reflects the same ---------------------------------------------------------- T 7 8---- processes* The only difference is that Tenrikyo applies the theory to the transcendental God while Buddhism applies the theory to self-enlightenment* Miki’ s interpretation of the teachings is very naive, with indications of many ways to enlighten the people in connection with the secrets of birth, disease and other phenomena, showing the limit of human understanding* That you can conceive a child and safely deliver it Is due to Their divine protection. (P ¥I 131) • • • Whatever you may think, you cannot do anything for yourself when you are ill. ... (S 23-6-12) You must think over the fact that this world is But a bosom of God the Parent. (P III I 4.O) If you cannot comprehend that your bodies are nothing but a loan from Him, You can never understand Me. (P III 137); The way to reach the noumenal world from the phenomenal | world is shown without confusing theories. ! According to Miki, all phenomenal appearances are the results presented by God as consequences for the usage of human freedom motivated by the individual souls. Thus, it is important to follow the divine reason (the intention of the Parent) and to purify the soul limitiessly. The appearances of environmental things such as physical body, tools, homes, etc., will be changed in accordance with the degree of purification attained by the mind and soul. This ----------------------^ ^ --------------1:79--- is the unique Tenrikyo way of life. It is the way of life in which the environmental phenomena are seen merely as shadows of mind. • • • However often man is reincarnated, all environmental things will be given in accordance with the usage of mind. (S 21-2-15) . . . Man is physically loaned and borrowed from God, and in soul and mind, man is indeed he himself . Through this one heart all things will come out. You must understand the principle of freedom in anything you receive. . • .1 Such an idealistic approach toward phenomenal activities is seen especially in the healing aspect of this religion. Mijyo, or "personal bodily affairs," and Ji:jyo, or "personal affairs" (difficulty, misery, etc.), are the subject of healing and are treated as advices from the Parent. Furthermore the words, "Yamai no Mo to wa Kokoro kara," or "the cause of disease is from the usage of mind," and "Kokoro Shidai no Shugo," or "the protection in accor dance with the purification of mind," tell clearly this idealistic approach and adopt a psychological effect in healing. The underlying principle of Kashimono-Karimono extends to the concept of Denaoshi, or "restart," as indi cated in preceding chapter. In Tenrikyo death is not ^ Tenrikyo Central Church, 0kakisage. (Writer’s translation) called Shi as it is commonly called in Japanese language. The popular concept of Tenrikyo, "Death is similar to chang ing our clothes from old to new," indicates that the bodily end is to come in the manner of man returning his old physical body to the Parent and receiving a new physical body in its place. The condition of the new physical body is determined by the degree of purification attained by the mind. Thus, the soul of man is eternally reincarnated in historical creation. Accordingly, in Tenrikyo there is no concept of life after death as is common among the popular Buddhistic, Shintoistic, and other traditional beliefs. The three stages, past, present, and future, in Buddhistic be lief were transformed into the concept of the dynamic eter nal return through Denaoshi. II. YATTSU WO HOKORI OR EIGHT KINDS OF DUST ; Yattsu no Hokori are the results of selfish moti vations and usages of freedom. Although Miki was influ enced by the Buddhistic thou^t of the Jodo Sect, her interpretation of evil was introduced in a different way from that of Buddhism. In order to emphasize the creative nature of man, she represented all evils as eight kinds of dust and indicated the cleansable quality of human evils as shown in the verses (F I $2 and 53)* The verSes show 181--- that there is no one who is originally evil, but people are evil simply from a dusty mind# The teaching is alle gorically told showing how dust piles up and becomes dif ficult to cleanse# As the dust accumulates without being noticed, in a similar manner the selfish motivation of man continuously stains the human mind in daily life. The accumuls.tion of stains becomes Ashiki and results in a heavy burden of Aku-Innen, or "evil causation." Hokori is divided into ei^t kinds of dust as follows 2 Hoshii or covetousness. It is that which controls when a man longs for things but does not exert body and mind to get them. Oshii or grudge. He does not serve God and society with body or mind and always turns his face against any contribution of service or money that is due. Kawai or partial love. He loves only himself, his own children and family and loves no others. Hikui or hatred. He does not repent of his own faults, but tries to lay the blame on others for the sufferings caused by his own faults. Urami or spite. He bears ill-will against others because he can not carry out his own selfish will. Haradachi or exasperation# He gets offended be cause of his own narrow mindedness, for the reason that he can not do things as he desires. Yoku or avarice. He desires more than competence. : 182--- Koman or hautiness. Always thinks himself greater than and looks down on others.^ These are the eight motivations to be avoided in daily life. It is notable that Miki shows these principles in a similar way to the "eight-fold way"^ of Buddhism. Hokori is regarded as the source of Ashiki and considered the primary cause of disease and misery. Disease and misery will be removed when the mind is cleansed of the dust which covers it. Cleansing of the soul is regarded as a primary aim, and physical or environmental healing is thought to follow as the result of purification. Until now, the source of disease Has not been known by anyone. (M X 9) Now at last it is revealed. The source of disease is in the heart. (M X 10) The minds of all the peoples shall be purified. I Myself will become a broom and clean up. (P III 52) As the manifestations presented in a physical and environmental appearance, Mijyo and Jijyo are none other than the results of the accumulation of dust. Tenrikyo has 2 Refer to Masuno, 0£. cit., p. 25. ^ The ei^t-fold way consists of (1) right view, (2) right thou^t, (3) ri^t speech, (I 4.) right action, (5) right mindfulness, (6) right endeavour, (7) right livelihood, and (8) right concentration. For details, see Junjiro Takakusu, The Essentials of Buddhist Philosophy, p. 26. -----------------------------------------------------x83----- no word for mere sickness or disease. Physical illness and environmental affairs are c ailed Mijyo and Jijyo, and they are thou^t to represent Tebiki, or "guidance;" Kami no Iken, or "the advice from God;" Kami no Zannen, or "the regret of God," which are advices from God to man. However indignant I may be. You shall be saved. (F V 22) You may often be angry with your children From parental love but not from spite. (F V 23) As indicated in the Chapter VI, there is no term in Tenrikyo for sin which is emphasized in other religion in attaining salvation. Generally sin in religion is the result of the will in opposition of God and has an implica tion of separation from God. The existence of sin in man results in the severance of relation between God and man. Thus it is necessary to redeem sin by repentance in at taining salvation. Hokori plays a similar role in Tenrikyo as sin in attaining salvation. However, Hokori emphasizes the li^tness of man’s evil by stressing the cleansable nature of motives to which man is tempted and does not bring put the concept of severance. The teaching of eight kinds of dust upholds the middle way or moderation in daily practice for purifying the self, and may be regarded as the practical ethics of Tenrikyo in building the true self designed by the Parent. : 18#--- III. MÂKOTO SHINJITSU OR SINCERITY AND TRUTHFULNESS The relatively opposing term for Hokori i:s Makoto- Shinjitsu, which is the deepest inner nature of man. This idea may have originated in Miki ’ s earlier experience in which she offered prayers for diseased children as indi cated before. Her naive feeling toward God, though not articulate at the time, formed this concept as the primary factor for salvation. According to Doroumikoki, sincerity alone was the primary motivation of God in creation, and the creation of this world and humanity was planned as the manifestation of sincerity. Thus, Mako to -Shinj it su in the soul of man reflects the divine reason and becomes the elemental moti vation in cleansing all dust. . . . There is nothing stronger than sincerity. ^ Sincerity is the divine reason and the seed of world creation. . . . (S 21-6-2) . • .If you are always sincere, it will be reflected in divine reason and will be answered instantly. ... (S 21-11-11) . . . The reason dwelling in sincerity and truthfulness shall never perish. You should under stand this truth, because truthfulness and sincerity are indeed the divine reason. ... (S 23-5-26) These words show how greatly Mako to-Shin jitsu is stressed in Tenrikyo teaching as the ethical principle leading ---------------------------------------------- ------“ 185 toward the highest virtue. How then is the way to establish! Makoto-Shlnj itsu tau^t by Miki? If only I can find sincerity in your mind, I will surely protect you. (F IV 52) If your mind is so mended that it becomes acceptable to Him, You shall be saved from any illness. (F V 14) Hitherto all human beings have been selfish. (F XII 89) It is indeed regretable that They have no thought of helping each other. (F XII 90) I do hope that henceforward You will reform yourselves. (F XII 91) Henceforward if all human beings help each other,— (F XII 93) Both Moon and Sun will be glad of it and Mill give you any and every protection. (F XII 94) If only you are sincerity itself. Any and every protection shall be given without fail. (F XIII 71) . . . If you work with the sacrificing spirit, God will work with you. The heart to help others is indeed sincerity. The reason dwelling in helping others will indeed work and you shall be saved. . . . (S 32-11-3) The above verses and quotation show that salvation is achieved by man only through the establishment of sin cerity and that establishment of sincerity is done only throu^ the service toward his neighbors. As the primary concern of the Parent is the salvation of man, the Mako to- Shlnjitsu of man should be directed toward unselfish______ ------------- Y86------- service for others* "When you serve others, you are saved and purified." "To sacrifice for neighbors is indeed the expression of sincerity." These are the words popularly accepted and practiced among the Tenrikyo followers. The^ sufferings of the self are regarded as phenomenal conditjbns which disappear when the self sacrifices for others. Such a process of salvation reflects the attainment of the high est good by negation of the self. By reflecting sincerity toward each other, the Tenrikyo followers attain the divine order which is established after the cleansing of all Hokori. The union of living with God is realized through Mako to -Shin.1 i tsu as shown in the verse, "If your minds are purified and become acceptable to Him, You shall neither fall ill, nor die, nor weaken." (F III 99) IV. INNEN OR CAUSATION As indicated in the preceding chapter, the term Innen probably was taken from the Buddhistic word of.the same characters. According to traditional Buddhism and commonly conceived interpretation by the Japanese, the term Innen somewhat connotes unchangeable fate. The orig inal concept Karma was absorbed into the Japanese racial temperament during the long span of Buddhistic influence and resulted in the term Innen and Inga. The doctrine of --------------------------------------------------' -------1-87" — Karma was popularized to the extent that the common people were able to.-understand it as the law of cause and effect in both moral and natural applications. As an underlying principle in morality and as an insight into natural phe nomena, this concept flourished among the people for many years. This spiritual heritage of Buddhism has been sup ported by Confucianism and has become the moral standard of the people since the Nara period. From the amalgamation of Buddhism and Confucianism, the teaching of Zenin Zenka, or "good cause results in good fruit," and Akuin Akuka, or "evil cause results in evil fruit," was formulated as a moral code during the Tokugawa period. The influence of this teaching appears in Miki ’ s teaching of Innen. However, Miki was not satisfied with the concept of fate which comes as result of human behavior and neglects man’s poiesis against environmental restric tion. Against the popular concept of fate, she introduced the capability of man to alter his fate by emphasizing the dignity of man. As indicated in the preceding section, Innen is the result of an accumulation of Hokori and may be called causation. Thus, man should overcome causation by transcending it. The concept of Innen is divided into two categories^ Haku-Innen and Aku-Innen. The first is the white (good) --------------------------------------------- ^ ------ I8B causation and the second is the evil causation# Haku-Innen represents man’s divinity emanated from the Parent, and Aku-Innen represents the selfishness of man. Thou^ the two concepts have quite opposite implications, Haku-Innen is the original basis of human existence, and Aku-Innen is merely a phenomenon in human existence# In other words, as long as man exists, Haku-Innen never disappears as the ground of human existence. Thus, continuous services motivated in sincerity lead to Haku-Innen and result in the elimination of Aku-Innen. In reality man seems to stand between two worlds. These two concepts, Haku-Innen and Aku-Innen, seem to have been adapted from the Buddhistic terms Byaku-go, or "white karma," and Koku-go# or "black karma," and have similar meanings in Tenrikyo.^ Other aspects of Innen are Senzo no Innen, or "an cestral causation," Zensho no Innen, or "causation from former life," Konsho no Innen, or "causation of this life." The first of these seems to imply the principle of herid- itism, second is the principle of causal relation of past and present in individual existence, and third is the principle of cause and effect in this life. Of these the first and the second are causations prior to this life; ^ Kangakuryo, o£. cit., p. 94. thus, insight through § phenomenal object is needed. They may be referred to as causation a priori. The third is understood as the causation of which the individual is awere, and may be called the causation a posteriori. . . . The reason, which your parents and ancestors established, appears in you and your descendants. If descendants endeavour to live with sincerity, ancestral causation will disappear and virtue will replace it. (8 2 4-1-8) ... The suffering of children is indeed the shadow of the suffering of their parents. The suffer ing of parents is indeed the reflection of their children’s suffering. . . . (S 35-9-6) . . . The body is loaned but the mind is yours. You must understand that the principle of loaned and borrowed is based on the use of your mind. There are people with many children and others who are child less. These are nothing but the result of causation in former life. You may not understand merely by the word causation, but you may understand if I say the world in front of you is the mirror in which your former causation is reflected. . . . (8 21-2-15) . .. Causation is the law of cause and effect, which you probably do not recognize. All causes and effects around you are nothing but the manifestations of causation you had previously created. Try to understand this point and repent your past behaviour, if the present is not what you wished. ... (s 32-3-23) . . . To become this way or that way is indeed because of causation determined by the usage of your mind. However others may try to help you, it will not be altered. That is Inneh. . . . (8 27-3-6) . . . To become or not to become is determined solely by causation. However you may struggle, you can not direct the course of event. It is indeed determined by the causation. ... (8 2 7-9-2l | . ) -----------------: -------------------------------- ^ -------190--- The above selections concerning Inn en are from Osahizu. The teaching of Innen shows that man, though he is an absolutely isolated being of emanated divinity, does not simply exist but exists in the dynamic relation of various causations* Thus, the cognition of underlying causation of the present environment is the most important factor in Tenrikyo practice* This seems to bring a mystical approach emphasizing the unseen order to this religion* The believer must see the work of Innen behind the phenom enal object and eliminate bad causations by accumulating good causations* The teaching points to the necessity of Sange, or "repentance," and Tanno, or "contentment," as the way to be released from the bond of causation* V. TMNO OR CONTENTMENT The term Tanno is a contracted form from Tariianu in Japanese and is understood as the term Tarinu, which literally means "to be enough" or "be sufficient*"^ As indicated in the preceding section all phenom enal appearances, good or evil, are the results of causa tions. Tanno is a teaching to overcome causation, which 5 Yoshito Tanaka, Tenrikyo no Kenkyu (Study on Tenrikyo), p. 57. -------------------------------------------------------------------- ^191 in most cases implies bad causation* When man recognizes the existence of causation behind the given phenomena, all environmental things naturally appear as the results of his causations. The teaching further extends this method of cognition and views all things as trials given to man by God. In other words, man should welcome any hardship in his life as an opportunity to reform and clBense his soul* ... Tanno is the repentance of former life* • . * (s 23-12-27) ... The reason dwelling in causation will be taken away only by Tanno. ... (S 2 9-IO-I4. ) . . . Causation is difficult to be contented with* However, try to repent the causation you accumulated in former life. Tanno is the only way of repentance which reunited you with the pure mode. . . . (s 32-3-23) The view presented above shows the typical way of life with non-resistance toward the outside and with con tinuous poiesis toward the inner self* This teaching is simply expressed in the popular Tenrikyo terra Innen Nassho, or "cleansing of causation#" When man meets miseries or difficulties, he should consider it as the shadow of Innen and should clean the cause of it without complaint. Any effort to escape from such a situation merely results in another causation, so that the bond of causation will never be released. The popularly spoken words, "If it is because : 192--- of causation, you should bring to an end that causation by passing through it," indicates the importance of the cleans ing of causation. As indicated before, the only way of cleansing the causation is repentance. Man must see the order of causa tion behind the present situation and should thank the given environment with repentance. This is called Tanno in Tenrikyo. This way of life is sometimes misunderstood even among Tenrikyo followers because of its unrestrietive nature of action toward the environment. It is similar to living in fate. However, this teaching brings the ideal way of practicing social cooperation by being content in the given environment. It is not . the way of giving up but the way of contentment vhieh brings a continuous endeavour toward the creation of better causations. VI. HIHOKISHIN OR DAILY SERVICE As a religion of the nineteenth century, the unique ness of Tenrikyo lies in the emphasis on Hinokishin. Lit erally hino means "dailÿ* and kishin means "dedication" or "service." The body is the loaned and borrowed from God, and man must create a divine order in this world by the proper usage of the body. The consciousness of the concept of ---------------------------------- : ------ 193----- loaned and borrowed concerning the body brings to man an infinite delict* And this emotional state affects his action and results in Hinokishin as an expression of deep gratitude to God. Such an attitude toward daily service among the followers is especially evident in a follower who has recovered from illness. When life runs normally, man is apt to forget the truth of loaned and borrowed. He is apt to think that he lives by himself, forgetting that he is a mere bW.ng of potentiality. When man meets with ill ness, he realizes that his existence is physically dépendait on something other than self. The more severe the illness, the greater will be the delight when cured. Thus, the feel ing of gratitude for the protection by God pervades his living and results in his daily action. Whatever it may be, from this time forth, in simplicity. Lean on your Parent and thus proceed. (M III 7) There is nothing so painful as disease; I also will perform Hinokishin. (M III 8) The above verses from Mikagurauta are expressions of gratitude for the grace of God. Hinokishin is not moti vated by restrictions from outside, but it is motivated from inner sincerity. Thus, Hinokishin in Tenrikyo is the practice essential in daily life. It is the practice free of avarice as shown in the verse, "Forgetting avarice, devote yourself to Hinokishin, This service is the first ^ r9iî fertilizer*" (M XI The life of Hinokishin becomes the basis for complete devotion without Hokori. The ideal so cial construction is that which is built upon daily serv ices. Miki shows the practical application of Hinokishin in the following verse. As I look, the whole world gradually performs Hinokishin carrying earth in straw-rope net. (M XI 3) It is an endless carrying of earth. If more remains, I too will go. (M XI 5) It is a wonder, the carrying of earth; This will be devotion to God. (M XI 7) The Hinokishin in the above verses refers not mere](g to the action of carrying earth, but includes the whole action which is motivated. The appearance of Hinokishin is various, and the follower should participate in Hinokishin motivated by sincerity. Even a conversation with neighbors can be a holy service as shown in the verse, "To speak one word sincerely is Hinokishin. It simply diffuses the frag rance from Heaven." (M VII 1) Hinokishin is also an im portant source of social life according to Miki as shown in the verse, "Husband and Wife together perform Hinokishin, This is the seed of everything." (M XI 2) The family living in gratitude as a social unit extends its happiness to the neighbors and further to the village as a whole and results in the establishment of a community in God’s love. ^ In this way, Hinokishin in Tenrikyo is regarded as an im portant source of social life with a cooperative principle toward the ideal goal of social salvation. VII. YOBOKU OH TIMBER The aim of God the Parent is to save mankind and to teach holy service as the means to salvation. Miki taught about salvation using a simile to construction. She named the person who participates in this work of salvation as Yoboku or "timber." The concept of timber is also a unique feature of Tenrikyo showing the importance of each person according to his role. Hark, What I am anxious to do is To collect the useful timbers for My abode. (P III 128) I am in need of timber not in a small But in a large quantity. (P III 130) You may wonder why They are expecting to see a lot of people. Their intention is to save all human beings. (P XIII 85) Prom the above verses, it is clear that the timber she meant is the selected people for the building of an ideal world of bliss and happiness. The teaching shows that the timber is the name given to the person who devotes his life to cooperation in the construction of human salvation by God. Providing dignity of the individual, she also states 196 the equality of man and women for timbers in the verse, "At its selection, I do not make any discrimination what ever between men and women." (P VII 21) .With the teaching' of timber, another concept, namely Shinbashira, or "Main stay," is important. Shinbashira is the name given to the person who becomes the leading spirit in the whole of Tenrikyo activities. Thus, the Mainstay as a patriarch, and timber as missionary play a constructive part in sal vation. Sazuke# or "grant," made to Yoboku is a special ordinance similar to baptism in Christianity so far as it is regarded as the ritual for spiritual rebirth. In prac tice, however, it is different and brings a unique feature. Historically the ritual of Sazuke originated in l86if, dur ing the period of persecution by the government. Miki gave various grants to her disciples. The grants were: Oogi no Sazuke Iki no Sazuke Mizu no Sazuke Jikimotsu no Sazuke Koye no Sazuke . . Teodori no Sazuke Grant through fan. Grant through breath. Grant through water. Grant through food. Grant through fertilizer./ Grant through hand dance. / For details, see Koshiro Masui, "0sazuke no Shurui to sono Ri" (The Kinds of Grant and the Meaning), Tenrikyogaku Kenkyu. Vol. VI, pp. 71-93; Vol. VII, pp. 88-112. -------------------------------------------- ^ ------- 197---- At the present, only the last is performed. Sazuke is a sacred secret throu^ which the holy communion between ^an and God is established and by which man can perform the mystical prayer for the diseased. In other words, the rit ual gives to the person the ability to serve as mediator for the work of God as Miki states in the verse, "There is no knowing what useful timbers may accomplish. If only He enter into their bodies." (P XV 61) The followers are not allowed to pray for the diseased unless he is a recipient of this Sazuke. Sazuke qua]ifies the Yoboku as ordained. Upon the acceptance of the Tenrikyo faith, the person who visits Jiba receives personally the ritual of Sazuke from Shinbashira after the completion of nine lectures, which take a full nine months in the Central Church. Sazuke is given only to the sincerity of the person who is going to devote his life to social salvation as a timber. In other words, upon receiving it, he will be qualified as a mis sionary and perform the prayer through the medium of Sazuke. You cannot measure Sazuke as you measure and evaluate ordinary things. Sazuke is given to your mind equally and similarly, and the same reason must prevail in accepting it. However, the work of your mind will determine the real value of Sazuke. . . • Daily I perform Seki (or seat, meaning the lecture). If you participate in the seat, you shall receive Sazuke. The frame of mind at the time of receipt will affect your later work, so you must be pure and sincere when receiving it. Do not forget the mind of contentment in daily life. ... (S 23-7-7) 198 Thus the recipient should be purified in his mind and restrain from all dust not only at receiving but also in later daily life. The ritual of Sazuke has been brou^t to practice in the form of sick-healing. Thus, it is under standable that Tenrikyo has been looked on by some scholars as a parallel of Christian Science. It mi^t be noted here that Tenrikyo has been spreading increasingly through such 7 a phenomena of healing. As he is a man, however, the timber is not a per fect man without dust. Mijyo and Ji.jyo appear more often to him in order that he may realize his mind stained by dust. You must thoroughly comprehend His will. If you save others you shall also be saved. (P III i|7) Day after day I will warn the men whom I should like to take as useful timber. They must not take it as illness. (P III 131) Gradually God the Parent, the Creator, will enter into The bodies of useful timbers and train them. (P XV 60) 7 S. Nakayama shows the followers* various motives in becoming Tenrikyo believers referring to valuable data which reveal the vivid healing phenomena of this religion. He shows the percentage of each motive based on the an swers of 12,21^.8 persons as shown in table on the following ! page. For further information, see S. Nakayama, Tenrikyo ' Dendosha ni kasuru Chosa (Survey on Tenrikyo Missionaries), pp. 79-9^ Detailed data are available in Tables VIII> IX, X, XI, XII of the supplement to his work. 199 TABLE III MOTIVES OF CONVERSION TO TENRIKYO Motives Number of persons per oen Personal illness, involving self- awareness of causation by death 7 , 5 0 3 6 1 . 2 6 Healing of self 3 , 5 7 5 4 7 . 6 5 Healing of family 3 , 6 7 4 4 8 . 9 7 Conversion by death in family or of friend 2 5 4 3.3 8 Inherited faith from parent 2 , 4 6 4 2 0 . 1 2 Impressed by doctrine 1 , 4 5 8 11.90 Personal Affairs 2 5 5 2.0 8 Strife in family 86 33.73 Economical failure 5 5 21.57 Social failure and others 5 1 2 0 . 0 0 Misery 2 8 10.98 Simple personal affairs 3 5 13.72 Redemption 2 1 8 1 .7 8 Fear 1 9 0 . 1 6 Other 3 3 1 2 .7 0 This table is based on the answers of 12, 2 i | . 8 per- | I sons. The motives are classified into seven main groups, j i and the percentages shown are based on the total number of j j persons. Subdivisions within the motives, personal illness! { and personal affairs, are shown with percentages based on i I the total number of persons within each group. 2 0 0 Thus, Mi.1yo and Jijyo are conceived as Michi no Hana, or "flowers on the path," through which the timber continues his purification and struggles for the realiza tion of salvation, oblivious to his personal affairs. VIII. KYOKAI OR CHURCH In Tenrikyo, the church originated in small groups of followers and was called Ko or "fraternity." This Ko- grouping started from about i860, during the period of per secution.^ The early formation of the Ko-organization seemed to be that of natural growth. However, there is no doubt that the formation of was suggested by the word of God, I when the completion of Mikagurauta prior to the organize- | [ tion of Ko is considered. In Mikagurauta, completed in I867, thirteen years prior to 1 8 8O, the following poem is written: Since you come to believe in Me, Why not unite and form a fraternity. (M V 10) This poem well shows the necessity of Ko-grouping prior to the actual formation of The group of people who formed I Ko were called Yoboku by Miki, and thus, the faith activi ties became stronger with the establishment of Ko. This ^ See Chapter III, Footnote 3h* : 201----- was the beginning of an organic movement of Tenrikyo in the society of the day and constituted the early appearance of the Tenrikyo church. With the expansion of the teaching, began to play an important role as the place where many followers stimulated their faith and encouraged each other. The teaching of Eo, however, was not so much stressed in those days even according to Qfudesaki and Mikagurauta, althou^ the teaching of the Holy Service was emphasized. After the I grant of the mission by the government, the name Ko was I 1 changed to Kyokai, and thus, the Tenrikyo church organiza tion was firmly established in 1 8 8 8. About this time, the teaching appeared in Osashizu to stress the importance of the church for the firm foundation of the missionary work. In other words, the church, as a crystallization of the sincerity of the Yoboku, became an organic unit for social salvation. . . . One direction. Now I will grant the name to every place where you have dedicated enough years and days. Do not worry. All people will get together in heart and accumulate sufficient reason to be given the name granted by God. If you people all work with your heart together, all shall be done whatever it may be. . . . (S 21-12-11 ... The divine name will be granted to every country. It is a so-called cross-street where many people come together. . . . Now the path (mission), having been started, will be firmly advanced and expanded. ... (S 30-2-1) ^ 2 0 2----- The church as a cross-street (implying a patternal Gonmunity in the town), thus plays an important role in establishing the world of Yokigurashi, becoming a symbol of the ideal coïamunity where the work of deliverance is per- j formed. Deliverance is, in this sense, called the vital | life of the church just as Tasuke was the sincere intention of God to appear in this world. It is the place where all j Yoboku bring a cheerful and blissful life, with the inten-* tions of all the people coalesced in one unity aiming at j the realization of Tasuke. I IX. SOCIAL WORK As indicated before, the aim of Tenrikyo is to | establish an ideal community life in the world. Such a | plan has been started through the establishment of many so-! I cial institutions and facilities. After becoming an inde- | pendent religion in 1908, Tenrikyo began the establishment of many cultural and social facilities such as schools, printing houses, hospitals, and so forth, along with the expansion of church work. The Tenrikyo Theological Seminary, founded in 1900, prior to the independence, was divided into the Tenri Mid dle School for general education and Theological Seminary for the training of missionaries in 1908. In 1910, the Women’s Association was established and the Tenri Orphanage was created to provide a work for this association. The Tenri Girl’s High School was founded later in 1922. On the other hand, the construction of the Main Sanctuary was planned for the thirtieth anniversary. of the death of the Foundress. It should be noted that the building of the grand shrine had been completed by the followers through Hinokishin only. In 1918, the Young - Men ’ s Association be gun in 18 98 was reorganized. The achievements of this association are conspicuous. Memorials of the fortieth anniversary are: the Tenri Press which was established to activate the mission ary work through publication; the Tenri Foreign Language College, built for the foreign mission by the Yopng Men’s Association; and the Tenri Women’s College, built by the Women’s Association. Actively cooperating with the Centrali Church, The Men and Women’s Associations serve unselfishly for the welfare of society^ and for the promotion of Ten rikyo. Along with the establishment of such institutions, the Tenri Central Library was founded in 1930, to colie ct not only the books which dealt with Tenrikyo but also books on other religions so that the library may be devoted to ^ Concerning many social works of Tenrikyo, see Appendix B, Table VII. , 20^ the comparative study of religion* In conjunction with these cultural institutions, many other establishments such as kindergarten, primary school, night school, medical center, hospital, sanatorium, recreation center, art center, and followers* dormitories have been built# The modern plan of the city was, thus, designed around the Central Church with arrangements of the area, street system, transportation, water and power facilities, park, and so forth all centering around the Central Church. A small village, at its beginning a hundred years ago, has become a great religio-cultural city today and hundreds and thousands of people gather for monthly festi vals from many lands. Not only in the Central Church but also in provincial churches, the same process of social activities has been appearing following the example of the Central Church. Thus, Tenrikyo, as an organic movement, has been making contributions to the welfare of society. CHAPTER VIII SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION Tenrikyo was born in a historical background of social change and, as a prophetic religion, introduced the teaching of God to clarify the muddy confusion of the var ious folk beliefs of the time. Based on historical revela tion, the teaching was originated in a small village in the j central part of Japan and has rapidly spread and gained a ; popularity throughout all of Japan in the past one hundred I and fifteen years. Started by a divinely Inspired woman, Miki Nakayama, the teaching seemed to bring out many doc trinal features of higher realism in contrast to the tradi tional teachings, althou^ the religion was influenced by the socio-cultural restriction of the period. I. DEVEL0PÎ4ENT OF THE RELIGION The process of development is well defined into three stages; namely, that of the first period— from the revelation until the independence, the s^nd period— from the independence until the end of World War II, and the third period— post war. The first period is charac terized by the socio-religious conflict brou^t about by 20&---- the vigorous mission of the teaching. The second period is characterized by the socialization of the teaching along with the establishment of various social works,although the religious activities were restricted by the national government. And the third or present period is character ized by the restoration of the teaching, leading toward an , advanced stage of intellectual reasoning, together with ; vigorous faith activities as in the early period of Ten rikyo, which can be freely manifested again today. The rapid spread of Tenrikyo, though the faith is based on religious activities, is well considered to be an outcome of the social conditions of Japan from the end of the Yedo era to the Meiji era and reflects the religious desire of the common people. The authority of the Yedo Bakufu fell to the ground at the end of its ruling period, and the nation faced a serious social confusion with civil strife and the social-political impact of the arrival of foreign boats. This same sort of confusion continued after the establishment of the Meiji Imperial Restoration. The government had not yet become sufficiently established to quiet the confusion of the day. Thou^ the Meiji government in its early days tried to bring about a solid national | 1 unity by unifying the various trends of thought of the j time, it soon became preoccupied with the importing of I Western civilization in order to become a recognized member of the world and was not able to carry out any settled governmental policy* People eventually met with other so cial anxieties which continued almost until the middle of the Meiji e^ra. | In view of such factors, it was natural for the i people, who had no firm way of living, to go along withrthe : I new idealistic movement which aimed for a vivid spiritual reformation* The coincidental occurrence of the birth of this prophetic religion and the social unresttof the period naturally made possible the rapid expansion of Tenrikyo in a very short period* The persecution from outside appeared merely to provide more stimulus to the faith activity of the followers and gave Tenrikyo a more solid foundation among the people in contrast to many other denominations which had risen in the same period. In addition the es tablishment of the church brought a stronger framework for the faith and resulted in the doctrinal advancement and more effective missionary work. II. THE GOD CONCEPT In propagation of this religion among the people, the unique concept of God in Tenrikyo was one of the most attractive qualities in comparison with that of the traditional teachings léiich prevailed in Japan. Throughout history, Japan never had a clear God concept with the ex ception of the anthropomorphic deity concept which was merely a form of ancestor worship transformed from nature WD rship in meeting with various thoughts from outside. However, the traditional God was conceived by the people as merely an ideal object which was separated from our ex istence or personal experience. The traditional God had been the God of the unattainable, the meaning of idiich eventually became assimilated with "above" or "superior." The Buddhistic and Gonfucian influences made the original God concept complex and the traditional belief was trans formed into syncretic teaching. In Miki*s day, this situ ation of the beliefs was particularly characterized in terms of superstitious folk beliefs which carried only a vague concept of God. However, the influences of Western culture brought by the impact of the arrival of foreign ships were gradually penetrating the traditional way of thinking through the scientific reasoning and monotheistic approach to the world and universe. Thus, the way of thinking in Japan was coming into a new era especially with regard to the formation of an articulate belief. With this background, the concept of God the Parent introduced by Tenrikyo had appealing qualities to the --------------------------------------------------------------------209-- common people. The concept grew up In a sense of mono theism and like the Christian God concept, the God of personalism eventually brou^t more the is tic ally advanced features in comparison to the traditional elements of the God concept. That God in Tenrikyo is conceived in personal relationship between man and God is an advancement in introducing the teaching of God and made possible a more clear understand ing of the teaching. Together with this concept, the teaching of the three great causations, soul, place, and time, has proved a successful element for centralizing the whole of religious activities into Jiba. the holy place of Tenrikyo. The formation of the Tenrikyo God concept, appear ing in three stages reflecting the understanding of the people, and the symbolical interpretations of God being transformed into the final stage, God the Parent, were no table phenomena as historical expressions of the religion in accordance with environmental restrictions. Though a re ligion is strictly a self-manifestation of God Himself, it is nothing but an approach to the transcendental secret through historical manifestation when it is considered from the human approach. Tenrikyo seems to define this point more precisely by showing how religion comes into existence in: this worldly order and manifests itself in historical 21:0-------- restrictions. Together with the above process in the formation of the God concept, the symbolical interpretation idiich takes place in the form of ten manifestations of God seems com paratively naive, yet it shows an interesting view of the universe. The detailed interpretation of this symbolism has not been completed and requires further clarification as an important theological matter of the Tenrikyo God con cept along with the gradual systematization of doctrine. III. THE ETHICAL VIEWPOINT I The concept of God the Parent accordingly brought a concept of creator and a concept of man as a creature | which is related through love in the sphere of deliverance I by God. In the past, there never appeared in Japan a teach j - ing which clearly treated the relationship between God and j man. Contrary to the traditional teachings in which God and man were considered to be in separated worlds, Tenrikyo brought a dynsmie relationship of God and man in the union of living. The past teachings merely distinguished the 1 divine world and the mundane world by considering the limit of this world. The intention of God and the sincerity of man in Tenrikyo, however, brought to the teaching a concept that man should be embraced by God through the medium of 211 deliverance# This teaching seems to bring out a more practical and simplified world view based on the universal love of God by emphasizing deliverance. Such a practical and con crete aspect of the teaching appealed to the mind of the people who more or less were led astray by superstitious folk beliefs. Since the time was a chaotic period in many aspects, the actual deliverances brou^t by Tenrikyo were factors in making the religion flourish rapidly. Furthermore, the life view brought by Tenrikyo was an active healthy worldliness in the form of blissful and cheerful living. Together with the teaching of "loaned and borrowed," the stress on the teachings of dust in place | of evil, restarting in place of death, and the divine nature. I of man in place of the evil nature of.man gives Tenrikyo a ! i unique approach to the divine world from the phenomenal | world. Such a comparatively practical insi#it on human nature seems to be an outcome of Miki’s naive parabolic interpretation of God showing the relationship between God and man. This view, however, should be understood as a result of her emphasis on the actual mundane life. Besides these insights into human nature, the de liverance of the human mind resulted in the phenomena of faith-healing by the teaching, which was often misunderstood ----------^ -- 2X2 by outsiders who considered Tenrikyo as a kind of fanatic exorcism. To understand the doctrines, it is important to reach the essential point introduced by the Foundress which is that Tenrikyo is a teaching, of the delivering of the human mind and that faith-healing is a mere phenomenal change and a result of the purification of mind. Through- i out the teaching, a great emphasis is laid especially on the I deliverance of the mind, and thus, the teaching has been | characterized as the teaching of the deliverance of the mind, which is actually different from the traditional teachings. The traditional teachings were merely concerned' with worshipping an objectively conceived divine world, while Tenrikyo aimed at the realization of the divine world! in this world by purifying the mind of the people. The most essential teaching, the purification by sincerity as a highest moral aim in Tenrikyo, stimulates the continuous endeavour of each follower to bring about the ideal King dom of God. IV. PRACTICAL FEATURES Such a bright view of human nature, accordingly, brought a great emphasis on participation in the form of daily services based on man’s sincere devotion as an indi vidual expression of thankfulness toward God. The daily services, not only as individual matters but also as social matters, are a notable constructive factor of this religion in active missionary work. Beginning with the aids for the nei^ibors, daily services extend to socially scaled services. Although Tenrikyo developed merely through mission ary works in the first periods, it applied the principle of its teaching to social and cultural works along with active missionary work in the periods after the independence It may be said that the development of Tenrikyo with a great success in social establishments is noteworthy as a i phenomenon of social participation by a religion. This results from the fact that Tenrikyo aims for social salva tion as a final goal. It should be noted here that of the | denominations engaged in social work, Tenrikyo has been the most active as indicated in Table VII in Appendix B. As ' shown by the same table, the social contributions of Ten- j rikyo cannot be ignored. This is one of the outstanding factors of the Tenrikyo missionary work together with the constantly increasing number of churches, preachers, and followers, as shown in Tables VIII and IX in Appendix B. V. CONCLUSION Although Tenrikyo attained a great success in such a short period and developed in many respects, the former periods have been merely preliminary periods of establish ing the religious faith within the social restrictions. For doctrinal problems, no satisfactory intellectual reason ing appeared in the past. In tlieoretical reasoning, Ten- rikyo at present is facing various important problems. The recent establishment of doctrinal studies, with the restor ation of faith, was a notable step toward the shedding of the old forms composed of many social beliefs of the past. Throughout the whole movement of Tenrikyo, such a spirit I of reformation in reasoning is spreading together with the adaptation of cultural elements to the teaching. Thus Tenrikyo, by attempting a restoration of the original faith, is coming into a new period with the necessity of i the systematization of the doctrine. The future of Ten- i rikyo contains the most challenging task for futher de- j velopment in becoming a world religion as prophesied by j the Foundress. B I B L I O G R A P H Y A. BOOKS Akita, Tariho, Kamisama no Yurai or The Origin and History of the Gods. Osaka: Ckubunkan Shoten, 1932. 305 PP# Anesaki, Masaharu, The History of Japanese Religion. London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubner and Company, 1930.; 4 2 3 pp. _______, The Religious Life of the Japanese People. Tokyo : 1 Society for International Cultural Relation, 1938. 1 0 9 pp. Aston, William George, Shinto. London: A Constable and Company, Ltd., 1907% 83 pp. Bachelor, John. The Ainu of Japan. New York: Fleming H. Revell Company, n. d. 33% pp. Brinkley, R. A., A History of the Japanese People. Encyclo paedia Britannica Company, 1915. ? 8 i | . pp. I Cary, Otis, A History of Christianity in Japan. 2 vols. ' New York? Fleming H. Revell Company, 1909. < i Chamberlain, Basil Hall, The Language. Mythology, and Geo- | graphical Nomenclature of Japan Viewed in the Light of I Ainu Studies. T^okyo: Imperial University, I8 8 7. 1 7 4 p p . Clement, Earnest Wilson, A Short History of Japan. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1920. 190 pp. Criffis, William Elliot, The Religion of Japan. New York: Charles Scribner*s Sons, 19127 %9 pp. Dickson, Walter, Japan. New York: Peter Fenalon Collier and Son, n. d. PP. | I Dilts, Marion May, The Pageant of Japanese History. New I York: Longmans Green Company, 1942. 380 pp. I i Etter, Carl, Ainu Folklore. Chicago: Wilcox and Follett , Company, 191+9. 231+ pp. ---------------------------------------------------- ZT7 Fuji ta, Koyo, Shinto Kaku Kyoha no Qmote Ura or The Inside and Outside of the Sects of Shinto. Tokyo: Shimomura Shobo, 1 9 1 9. 33k PP* Furuno, Kiyoto, Gendai Shuha Shinto Gaisetsu or Th# Outline of Present Sectarian Shinto. Tokyo: Sankibo, 1931. General Headquarters Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers Civil Information and Education Section Religious and Cultural Resources Division, Religions in Japan# Tokyo, 191+ 8. 201+ pp. Goto, Michi, Nippon Kokogaku or Archeology of Japan. Tokyo : Shikai Shobo, 191+0. 3^3 PP. j Go wren, Hervert H., to Outline History of Japan. New York: D. Appleton and Company, 1927. 2+5^PP. Greene, Theodore M., and Hoyt H. Hudson, Religion Within the I Limits of Reason Alone. (Translation of Tie Religion j Innerhalb der Grenzen der Biossen Vernunft" by Immanuel I Kant). Chicago: The Open Court Publishing Company, 1934* 200 pp. Griffis, William Elliot, The Mikado ' s Empire. 2 vols. New York: Harper and Brothers Publishers, 1906. _______, The Religions of Japan. New York: Charles Scrib ner * s Sons, 1 9 1 2. I 4S7 PP* i Gubbins, J. H., The Making of Modern Japan. London: | Seeley, Service and Company, 1922. 318 pp. , The Progress of Japan. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1 9 1 1. 323 pp. Gulick, Sidney L., The Evolution of the Japanese. New York: Fleming H. Revell Coi^pany, 19057 1+63 pp. I Gunsaulus, Helen C., Gods and Heroes of Japan. Chicago: Field Museum of Natural History, 192I+T 23 pp. Harada, Tasuku, The Faith of Japan. New York: The Mac millan Company, 191I+. 190 pp. Harada, Yoshito, Nippon Kokogaku Nyumon or The Introduction to the Archeology of Japan. Tokyo : Yoshikawa Kobundo, 1 9 5 2. 267 pp. Hatano, Seiichi, Shukyo Tetsugaku or The Philosophy of Religion. Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, I9I+ 0. 31% PP* Heki, Ruriyen, Tenrikyoso Nakayama Mikiko or Mikiko Nakayama,: the Foundress of Tenrikyo. Osaka: Ikubunkan, 1910. I Hildreth, R., Japan as It Mas and Is. 2 vols. Chicago: A. C. McClurg Company, 1906. 1 Hioki, Shoichi, Kokushi Dainempyo or The Chronology of National History. Vols. IV, V, VI, and VII. Tokyo: Heibonsha, 1940-1941. Hoi tom, D. C., Modern Japan and Shinto Nationalism. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1943. I78 pp. National Faith of Japan. London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubner and Company, 1938. 329 pp. Honjo, Sijiro, The Social and Economic History of Japan. Kyoto: Institute for Research in Economic History of Japan, 1935. 410 pp. Ikoma, Fujio, Tenrikyo Yogi or The Essentials of Tenrikyo. Tambaichi: Tenri Jihosha, 1950. 239 pp. Iwai, Sonjin, Tenrikyoso no Tetsugaku or The Philosophy of the Foundress of Tenrikycu Tokyo : Isseisha, 1915. 312 pp. Izumoji, Yoshikazu, Kogaku no Shinzui or The Essentials of the Ancient Music. Kyoto: Okitsu Shoin, 1943. James, William, The Varieties of Religious Experience * New York: Modern Library, n.dT 326 pp. Japanese Government, Department of Education, Shukyo Nempo or The Census of Religion. Tokyo: Bunkyo Kyokai, 1 9 5 0. 775 pp.. Kangakuryo, Shinko Shukyo Kaisetsu or The Expositions of Newly Risen Religions. Kyoto : Hyakukaen, 1952. 4 1 5 pp. Kant, Immanuel, Die Religion Innerhalb der Grenzen der Biossen Vernunft. Kbnigsberg: P. Nicolorious, 1793- 296 pp. Kato, Genchi, “Shinto." Shin Nippon Shi or The New History of Japan. Tokyo: Manchohosha, 1926, pp. 77-136. , Shinto Shoseki Mokuroku or Â Bibliography of ! Shinto. Tokyo: .Meiji Shrine, 1953* 707 pp. , A Study of Shinto. Tokyo: Meiji Japan Society, 1926. 255 pp. Kato, Kumaichiro, Minkan Shinko Shi or The History of Polk I Beliefs, lokyo: Heigo Shuppansha, 1925. : Kindachi, Kyosuke, Ainu Life and Legend. Tokyo: Board of j Tourist Industry, Japanese Government Railway, 191+1. I 8 i p p . : i Knox, George William, The Development of Religion in Japan. New York: G. P. Putnam* s Son, 1907. 20i+ pp. La tour et te, Kenneth Scott, The Development of Japan. New York: The Macmillan Company, 191o• 237 PP. | Mason, Joseph Warren Teets, The Meaning of Shinto. New York: E. P. Dutton and Company, Inc., 1935. 252,pp. j _______, The Spirit of Shinto Mythology. Tokyo: The j Puzambo Company, 1939. 285 pp. | Matsumura, Kichitaro, Doroumi Koki Shisho or Illustrations on Divine Chronicle of Muddy Ocean. Tambaichi: Chi shin Gakukai, 191+2. Matsuoka, Ryoyu, Nihon no Shukyo oyobi sono Gensei or Religions in Japan and Their Present Conditions. Tokyo : Daitokaku, 1917. I Mayeda, Michiharu, Tenrikyo no Shin Kenkyu or New Study on | Tenrikyo. Tokyo: Shukyo Shoin, 1934. i I Moroi, Masaichi, Seibun I in or Fragrant Remains of Right I Words. Tambaichi: Tenri Jihosha, 1953. 476 pp. j Masuno, Michioki, Tenrikyo. Tambaichi: Tenrikyo Doyusha, n.d. 176 pp. 220 ~ Murdoch, James, A History of Japan. Kobe: The Office of Chronicle, 1903.. 743 PP* Nakaya, Jiujiro, Nippon Sekki Jidai Teiyo or Survey on the Stone Age of Japan. Tokyo: Kandori Shoin, 1943» 552 pp. Nakayama, Keiichi, Kyoha Shinto no Hassei Katei or The Process of the Rise of Sectarian Shintoism. Tokyo: Moriyama Shoten, n.d. 150 pp. Nakayama, Shozen, Hitokoto Hanashi or One Word. 4 vols. Tambaichi: Tenrikyo Doyusha, 194&. , Kami Tsuki-Hi oyobi Qya nl tsuite or On God, Moon and Sun, and Parent. Tambaichi: Tenrikyo Doyusha, 1935* 89 pp. Tenrikyo Dendosha ni kansuru Chosa or Survey on Tenrikyo Missionaries. Tambaichi: Tenrikyo Doyush% 1930. 340 pp. Niitobe, Kanzo, The Japanese Nation. New York: G. P. Putnam*s Sons. 1912. 3 3 4 PP- Ono, Sokyo, Jin.jya Shinto Kowa or the Lecture on Shrine Shinto. Tokyo : Jinjya Shimposha, 1949. 4^4 PP# Oman, John Wood, On Religion. (Translation of Tiber die i Religion by Schleiermacher) London: K. Paul, Trench, I Trubner Company, 1 8 9 3. 287 pp. j Peery, F. B., The Gist of Japan. New York: Fleming H. Revell Company, 1897. 324PP# Sansom, G. B., Japan. New York: The Century Company, 1 9 3 2. 537 pp. _______, The Western World and Japan. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1 9 5 0. 5 0 4 pp. Satomi, Kiyoshi, Discovery of Japanese Idealism. London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubner and Company, 1924. 178 pp. Shleiermacher, Friedrich Ernst Daniel, fiber die Religion. Berlin: J. F. linger, 1799. 312 pp. 222---- Takakusu, Junjiro, The Essentials of Buddhist Philosophy. Honolulu: University of Hawaii, 1949# 221 pp. Takano, Tomoharu, Gozonmei no Koro or During the Life of the Foundress. 3 vols. Tambaichi: Tenri Jihosha, 1947. Tanaka, Manshu, Shinbutsu Monogatari or The Stories of Shinto and Buddhist Gods* Tokyo: Manyodo Honten, 1923. 308 pp. Tanaka, Yoshito, Konkokyo no Kenkyu or The Study on Konko- kyo. Tokyo: Nihon Gakujyutsu Kenkyukai, 1934. 96 pp. , Kurozumikyo no Kenkyu or The Study on Kurozumikyo. Tokyo : Nihon Gakujyutsu Kenkyukai, 1932. 70 pp , Shinto Fusokyo no Kenkyu or The Study on Shinto Fusokyo. Tokyo: Nihon Gakujyutsu Kenkyukai, 1934. , Shinto Honkyoku no Kenkyu or The Study on Shinto Honkyoku. Tokyo: Nihon Gakujyutsu Kenkyukai, 1939. 6 1 ) . pp. , Shinto Jikkokyo no Kenkyu or The Study on Shinto Jikkokyo. Tokyo: Nihon Gakujyutsu Kenkyukai, 1939. 72 pp. , Shinto Misogikyo no Kenkyu or The Study on Shinto Misogikyo. Tokyo: Nihon Gakujyutsu Kenkyukai, 1932 72pp. , Shinto Mitakekyo no Kenkyu or The Study on Shinto Mitakekyo. Tokyo: Nihon Gakujyutsu Kenkyukai, 1939. 68 pp. , Shinto Shinrikyo no Kenkyu or The Study on Shinto Shinrikyo. Tokyo: Nihon Gakujtutsu Kenkyukai, 1935. 72 pp* , Shinto Shinshukyo no Kenkyu or The Study on Shinto Shinshukyo. Tokyo: Nihon Gakujyutsu Kenkyukai, 1935* 72 pp. , Shinto Shuseiha no Kenkyu or The Study on Shinto Shuseiha* Tokyo: Nihon Gakujyutsu Kenkyukai, 1932. 64 pp. 222—-- Tanaka, Yoshito, Shinto Taiseikyo no Kenkyu or The Study on Shinto Taiseikyo. Tokyo: Nihon Gakujyutsu Kenkyukai, 1936. 6l pp. , Taishakyo no Kenkyu or The Study on Taishakyo. Tokyo: Nihon.Gakujyutsu Kenkyukai, 1933# 90 pp , Tenrikyo no Kenkyu or The Study on Tenrikyo Tokyo : Nihon Gakujyutsu Kenkyukai, 1933# 94 pp. Tenrikyo Central Church, Ofudesaki. Tambaichi: Tenri Jiho4 sha, 1952. 477 PP# j , Ofudesaki Chushaku or The Interpretation of Ofude saki. Tambaichi: Tenri Jihosha, 1952. 242 pp. Osashizu. (Complete work) 8 vols. Tambaichi: Tenri Kyoeho Press, 1936-1948. , Tenrikyo Gentenshu or The Collection of Tenrikyo Original Scriptures. Tambaichi: Tenri Jihosha, 1952. 1294 pp. ______ , Tenrikyo Kyoten. Tambaichi: Tenri Jihosha, 1930. 100 pp. _______, The Doctrine of Tenrikyo. Tambaichi: Tenri Jiho sha, 1954# 1 0 5^pp• Tenrikyo Central Church, Board of Overseas Mission, Tenri kyo. Tambaichi: Tenri Jihosha, 1935# 34 PP# Tenrikyo Central Church, Department of Doctrinal and His torical Research, Ofudesaki Sakuin or The Index of Ofudesaki. Tambaichi: Tenri Jihosha, 1946. 246 pp. Tenrikyo Central Church, Department of Investigation, Tenrikyo Tokei Nenkan or The Tenrikyo Year-Book of Statistics. Tambaichi: Tenri Jihosha, 1952. Torii, Ryuzo, Yushi Izen no Nihon or Japan in the Prehis toric al Age. Tokyo: Isobe Koyodo, 1925. 805 pp. Underwood, A. C., Shintoism, The Indigeneous Religion of Japan. London: The Epworth Press, 1934# 121 pp. Uyeda, Eizo, Okotoba Shu or The Collection of the Divine Words. 2 vols. Tambaichi: Tenrikyo Doyusha, 1949. -------------------------^ ^ --------------------------223---- ^Yamazawa, Tametsugu, Eye so Goden Hens an Shi or The History of Compilation of me Life of the Foundress. Tambaichi Tenrikyo Doyusha, 1950* 130 pp. Yasuda, Tokutaro, Hingen no Rekishi or The History of Man. Vol. II. Tokyo: Kobunsha, 1952. 295 PP# B. PERIODICALS Chamberlain, Basil Hall, translator, “Kojiki" or Records of Ancient Matters. Tokyo : Transactions of the Asiatic Society of Japan, supplement to Vol. X (June, 1882), ! pp. 1-342. Pukaya, Tadamasa, “Tenrikyo no Konponkyogi ni tsuite" or j On the Fundamental Doctrine of Tenrikyo. Tambaichi : j Tenrikyogaku Kenkyu, Vol. VII (July, 1953)» PP* 2-1?. I , “Osashizu ni okeru Mujun ni tsuite" or On Contra dictions in Osashizu. Tambaichi: Fukugen, Vol. XXI (July, 1953), pp. 1 4-4 2. Greene, D. C., “Tenrikyo.“ Tokyo : Transactions of the Asiatic Society of Japan, Vol. XXIIÏ (May, 1ÏÏ95), PP% 24-74^ Hashimoto, Kiyoshi, “Tenrikyo Yurai Ryakuki" or Brief History of Tenrikyo (written in 1891)• Tambaichi: Fukugen, Vol. VI (June, 1947), pp. 84-94* Hattori, Shiro, “The Relationship of Japanese to the Ryukyu, Korean, and Altaic Languages," (delivered before the Linguistics Group of the Asiatic Society, January 8, 1 9 4 8). Tokyo: Transactions of the Asiatic Society of Japan, Third series. Vol. I TÎ9 4 8), pp. 101-133* Hoitom, D. C., “The Meanipg of Kami." Tokyo: Monumenta Nipponica, Vol. Ill, No. 1 (1940), pp. l-Ffl I I “The Meaning of Kami." Tokyo : Monumenta Nipponlcaj Vol. Ill, No. 2 ( 1 9 4 0), pp. 3 2-5 3. , "The Meaning of Kami." Tokyo: Monumenta Nlp- ponica. Vol. IV, No. 2 (1941), PP* 25-68. Labberton, D# Van Hinloopen, "The Oceanic Language and the Nipponese as Branches of the Nippon-Malay-Polynesian Family of Speech.“ Tokyo: Transactions of the Asiatic Society of Japan, Second series. Vol. II~TDecember, , PP* 77-115* Masui, Ko shiro, “Osazuke no Shurui to sono Ri" or The Kinds of Grant and the Meaning# Tambaichi: Tenrikyo gaku Kenkyu,Vol. VI (October, 1 9 5 2 ), pp. 71-93* _______, "Osazuke no Sjiurui to sono Ri" or The Kinds of Grant and the Meaning. Tambaichi: Tenrikyogaku Kenkyu, Vol. VII (July, 1 9 5 3 ), PP* 8 8 -1 1 2 . Moroi, Yoshinori, "Gensho Tenrikyo ni okeru Hyomei Monjyo" or Written Scriptures in the Early Tenrikyo. Tambaichi Fukugen, Vol. IV (January, 191+6), PP* 1-1+2. "Kyogigaku Gairon" or Outline of Dogmatics. Tamba ichi: Fukugen, Vol. IX (October, 191+7), PP* 1+1-96. , “Kyogigaku Gairon" or Outline of Dogmatics. Tamba- ichi: Fukugen, Vol. XII (April, 191+8), PP* 1+5-77* , "Ningen Sonzai to sono Kyusai no Kiban" or Human Existence and the Ground of Its Deliverance. Tamba ichi: Tenrikyogaku Kenkyu, Vol. VI October, 1 9 5 2 ), pp* 2-21+7" , "Tenrikyo Shingaku Josho" or The Prologue to Ten rikyo Theology. Tambaichi: Tenrikyogaku Kenkyu, Vol I (January, 1950), pp. 1+-21+* Nakanishi, Ushiro, "Kyoso Godenki" or The Life of the Foun dress. Tambaichi: Fukugen, Vol. IX (October, 191+7), pp. 1-1+0. Nakayama, Shozen, "Jyo" or Preface. Tambaichi: Fukugen, Vol. I (April, 191+6). Oda Makoto, "Kami no Shocho ni tsuite" or On Symbolism of God. Tambaichi : Tenrikyogaku Kenkyu, Vol. Ill (November, 1 9 5 0 ), pp. 71+-8&* Ramstedt, G* J., "A Comparison of the Altaic Languages with Japanese." Tokyo: Transactions of the Asiatic Society of Japan, Second series. Vol. I (December, 1921+), pp. IjX*-51+* Saito, Tatsuo, "Kyokaisiii no Jidai Kubun ni tsuite" or On the Periodic Division in Church History. Tambaichi: Tenrikyogaku Kenkyu, Vol. VIII (March, 1954), PP* 2-14 Takano, Tomoharu, "Tenrin-0-Kosha Meibo Chosa Hokoku" or The Report on the Name List of Tenrin-0-Fraternity. Tambaichi: Fukugen, Vol. V (March, 1947), PP* 28-73. _______, "Tenrin-0-Kosha Meibo Chosa Hokoku" or The Report on the Name List of Tenrin-O-Praternity. Tambaichi: Fukugen, Vol. XI (February, 1948), PP* 19-47* Uyeda, Yoshlnari, "Mikagurauta Chushaku Koan" or The Trial Interpretation of Mikagurauta. Tambaichi: Fukugen, Vol. VI (June, 1947), PP* 44-74* Whymant, A. Neville J., "The Oceanic Theory of the Origin of the Japanese Language and People." Tokyo : Transae- j tiens of the Asiactic Society of Japan, Second series, I Vol* III (December,.1926), pp. 15-8Ï. I Yamazawa, Tametsugu, "Kyososama Goden Ko an" or Writing on the Foundress. Tambaichi: Fukugen, Vol. II (July, 1946), PP* 1-79. __________"Kyososama Goden Ko an" or Writing on the Foun dress. Tambaichi: Fukugen, Vol. Ill (September, 1946), pp. 1-83. I "Kyososama Goden Ko an" or Writing on the Foun dress. Tambaichi: Fukugen, Vol. V (March, 1947), PP* 1-2 7* , "Kyososama Goden Ko an" or Writing on the Foun dress. Tambaichi: Fukugen, Vol. VI (June, 1947), pp. 1-43* , "Kyososama Goden Koan" or Writing on the Foun dress. Tambaichi: Fukugen,Vol. XI (February, 1948), pp. 1-1 8. "Kyososama Goden Ko an" or Writing on the Foun dress. Tambaichi: Fukugen, Vol. XII (April, 1 9 4 8 ), pp. 1-44* "Kyososama Goden Ko an" or Writing on the Foun dress. Tambaichi: Fukugen, Vol. XIII (July, 1948), pp. 1-33* Yamazawa, Tametsugu, "Kyososama Goden Koan" or Writing on the Foundress. Tambaichi: Fukugen, Vol. XIV (Octo« ber, 191+8), pp. 1-39. Yamochi, Shinzo, "Ningen no Jinkakusei oyobi Dogusei ni tsuite" or On the Personal Nature and Instrumental- Nature of Man. Tambaichi: Tenrikyogaku Kenkyu, Vol. VII (July, 1953), pp. 18-50. "Tenrikyo no Rinri Shiso" or The Ethical Thought of Tenrikyo. Tambaichi: Tenrikyogaku Kenkyu, Vol. Ill, (November, 1950), pp. 2-1+6. Yoshida, Seiichi, translator, "Ofudesaki Eibun Shiyaku" or | The Trial English Translation of Ofudesaki. Tambaichi:' Fukugen, Vol. I (April, 191+6), pp. 89-97. | I "Ofudesaki Eibun Shiyaku" or The Trial English Translation of Ofudesaki. Tambaichi: Fukugen, Vol. II (July, 191+6), pp. 89-110. "Ofudesaki Eibun Shiyaku" or The Trial English Translation of Ofudesaki. Tambaichi: Fukugen, Vol. IV (January, 191+7), PP* 63-86. jL "Ofudesaki Eibun Shiyaku" or The Trial English Translation of Ofudesaki. Tambaichi: Fukugen, Vol V (M arch, 191+7), pp. 74-95* , "Ofudesaki Eibun Shiyaku" or The Trial English Translation of Ofudesaki. Tambaichi: Fukugen, Vol. VI (June, 1947), pp. 95-107* , "Ofudesaki Eibun Shiyaku" or The Trial English Translation of Ofudesaki. Tambaichi: Fukugen, Vol VII (July, 1947), pp. 74-87. C. DICTIONARIES Kanazawa, Shozo, Kojirin. Tokyo: Sanseido, 1929. 1763 pp. Otsuki, Fumihiko, Dai Genkai. Vol. I. Tokyo: Puzambo, 1 9 3 8. 851 pp. 227 D. UNPUBLISHED MATERIALS Eckel, Paul E., "The History and Development of Tenrikyo." Unpublished Master*s thesis. The University of Southern California, Los Angeles, 1936. 118 pp. NOTE: The English titles of all Japanese books are the writer*s translation. APPENDICES APPENDIX A GLOSSARY Akuin Akuka. A popularly accepted term concerning the principle indicating that "evil cause results in evil fruit." Ashiki. A Tenrikyo term meaning "evil." Bakufu. The name given to the military government which | was started by warriors in 1186 and lasted till l86?. i Basho no Innen. The causation which dwells in the place j Jiba. This is one of the three great causations in ! Tenrikyo. ; Byaku-go. A Buddhistic term meaning "good karma," or ih the literal translation, "white karma."- Daiku. A symbolic Tenrikyo term for "builders" of the ideal world. The literal translation is "a carpenter." I Danka. A Buddhistic term meaning "supporters" of a temple.j ■ I Denaoshi. A Tenrikyo term used in place of the word death., The literal meaning of the term is "restarting." I Doroumikoki. "The Divine Chronicle of the Muddy Ocean," the scripture of the divine creation in Tenrikyo. Genso. The enlightened status in Buddhism, meaning "re flection from reality." Gohei. A cut-pqper hung on wooden holder, used in the Shinto rituals. It symbolizes divinity. Gojyu Soden. A secret ritual of the Jodo Sect. Haku Innen. A Tenrikyo term meaning "the white causation," and used to refer to the divine nature in man. Haradachi. "Exasperation," one of the eight kinds of dust in Tenrikyo. __ 230--- Himitsu Kunrei. "The Secret Order" issued by the Japanese government in I8 9 6, against Tenrikyo. Hinagata. The paternal life shown by the Foundress and emulated by followers. Hinokishin. A characteristic Tenrikyo term which means "daily service," or "holy labour for God." Honseki. "True Seat," the title of Izo Iburi, who was the 1 second mediator. Hoshii. "Covetousness," one of the eight kinds of dust. ! Ho SO no Yurushi. The charm for smallpox given by Miki to ! the people in the early Tenrikyo history. Inga. A popularly accepted term for "fate" in connection with the principle of cause and effect. Innen. A Buddhistic term for the law of cause and effect. Also used as a Tenrikyo term for "causation." Innen Nassho. A Tenrikyo term meaning "cleansing evil causation." Inu no Ko. The festival of harvest in Yamato province. Izanagi no Mikoto. One manifestation of God the Parent, "His Augustness of the Male Deity Who Invites," is the symbol of the seed of male in creation. Izanami no Mikoto. A manifestation of God the Parent, Her Augustness of the Female Deity Who Invites," is the symbol of the seed of female in creation. Jijyo. A Tenrikyo expression meaning "personal affairs," such as difficulties in daily life, social and eco nomical failures, miseries, etc. Jikimotsu. A Tenrikyo term .meaning "diVine food" which is to be given by the Foundress when the ideal world, Kanrodai Sekai, is established. Jitsu no Oya. "True or real God," an explanatory expres sion for God in Tenrikyo. Jyoka* "Prologue" in Mikagurauta. It is composed of eight psalms. Jyomon. The name of potteries of prehistoric age in Japan. Kagura. The "ritual of holy dance" in Shinto originated in the mythological age. Kagura-Zutome. A Tenrikyo term for "Kagura service." Kaji-Kito. A prayer of exorcism which is practiced by mountain religions. Kajidai. A person who mediates the divine words in Kaji- Kito exorcism. Kami. The term literally means "god" or "deity." Kami no Iken. A Tenrikyo expression meaning "an advice from God." Kami no Tebiki. A Tenrikyo expression meaning "a divine guidance." Kami no Zannen. A unique expression of Tenrikyo meaning "a regret of God." Kamigata. "Holy abode" in Tenrikyo indicates the place Jiba. Kanrodai. A characteristic term of Tenrikyo meaning "the Nectar Vessel." It is the symbol of Jiba. Kanrodai Sekai. "The Nectar Vessel World" is the Kingdom of God in Tenrikyo ih ich the followers struggle to attain. Kashikone no Mikoto. A manifestation of God the Parent, "His Augustness the Awful Man," symbolizes the prin ciple of motion. Kashimono-Karimono. A characteristic term of Tenrikyo concerning the material environmental existence; such as physical body, tools, money, etc. The literal translation of the term is "Loaned and Borrowed." Kawai. "Partial love," one of eight kinds of dust. 232 Kegare. A Shintoistic term for "impurity." It is the main factor in the development of concept of sin. Ko. "Fraternities" has been used mostly in religious cults, but was later used in other affiliations such as mutual credit societies. Kokugen. "The Incidental Directions" revealed in Tenrikyo scripture Osashizu. Koku-go. A Buddhistic term meaning "evil karma," or in the literal translation, "black karma." Koman. "Hautiness," one of the eight kinds of dust. Ko sha. Same as Ko. Kumoyomi no Mikoto. A manifestation of God the Parent, "Her Cloud-Reading Augustness," symbolizes the prin ciple of revolution. | Kunisatsuchi no Mikoto. A manifestation of God the Parent, "Her Augustness the Earthly Elder-of-the Passes," symbolizes the principle of cohesion. : Kuni toko tachi no Mikoto. A manifestation of God the ' Parent, "His Earthly Eternally-Standing Augustness," symbolizes the original source of the dynamism of universe. Kurofune. The name given to the Wes tern boats by the Japanese people in the early period of foreign impact on the Japanese land. The literal translation is "black ship." Kyoten. The literal translation is "thé doctrinal text." Kyusokusho. "A resting place," in Tenrikyo refers to the room which the Foundress used to rest and in 'tdiich she passed away. Magatsubi. A Shinto term meaning "evil spirit" which is regarded as the source of evil. Makoto Shinjitsu. "Sincerity and Truthfulness" is the most important ethical teaching in Tenrikyo., ^ ^ . 2 3 3 Michi no Hana. The literal translation is "Flowers on the path." In Tenrikyo followers regard all Mijyo and Jijyo (illness, difficulties, miseries, etc.) as advices from God; thus. Mijyo and Jijyo are generally called flowers on the path to purification of mind. Mijyo. A characteristic term of Tenrikyo indicating personal bodily affairs such as illness, disease, etc. Mikagurauta. "Dancing Psalms," one of the Tenrikyo Scrip tures written by the Foundress. Mitamafuri. The Shinto ritual of removing the old spirit and replacing with the new spirit. Nikui. "Hatred," one of the eight kinds of dust. Nuke-Mairi. The secret pilgrimage to Ise Shrine which flourished at the end of Yedo period. Obiya Yurushi. The charm for childbirth given by Miki to the people in the early Tenriky)history. Ofudesaki. "Tip of Brush Writing," one of the Tenrikyo Scriptures written by the Foundress. Okagemairi. Same as Nuke Mairi. Okan no Michi. A Tenrikyo expression meaning "the pathway to God." Omotaru no Mikoto. A manifestation of God the Parent, "Her Weighty Augustness," symbolizes the original source of the dynamism of the creation. Osashizu. "Divine Direction," one of the Tenrikyo Scrip tures mostly revealed throu^ the direct disciple of the Foundress. Oshii. "Grudge," one of the eight kinds of dust. Oso. A Buddhistic term expressing the process of approach ing the reality from the phenomenal reality. Otonobe no Mikoto. A manifestation of God the Parent, "His Augustness the Lord of the Great Place," symbolizes the principle of growth. 2 3 4 Oyagami. "God the Parent," a Tenrikyo expression for God. Oyazato. "The native place of Parent," another name for Jiba. Ri. The term is literally translated as "reason" or "principle." Sambo. A square wooden stand used in Shinto to place offerings to God. Sange. A Tenrikyo term meaning "repentance." The popular Japanese pronunciation is "Zange." Sanzai Kokoro. "The three year old’s heart" in Tenrikyo indicates the hi^ly purified stage of mind without any Hokori (dust). Sazuke. "Grant" is the Tenrikyo ritual of confirmation. Shimbashira. "Mainstay" is the term for patriarch in Tenrikyo. Shingaku. "Mental learning" flourished at the end of Yedo period. The teaching is a sort of eclecticism aiming at uniting the moral teachings of all the religions and ethical systems prevailing in Japan. Shogun. "Generalissimo," the governor in the Bakufu (military government). Shushi Gakuha. "Chu Hi School," one of the Gonfucian schools. Tamashii no Innen. "Causation dwelling in the soul of the Foundress," one of the three great causation in Tenrikyo. Tanno. A characteristic term of Tenrikyo meaning "con tentment," which is an important way of life for purification. Taishokuten no Mikoto. A manifestation of God the Parent, "His Augustness the Great-Eating Heavenly King," symbolizes the principle of negation. Tasuke Zutome. A Tenrikyo term meaning "the holy service for salvation." Tenkei. "Heavenly revelation," the first revelation re ceived by Miki. Tenri 0 no Mikoto, "Their Augustness the King of Heavenly Reason," the name for God the Parent, is a collective title for all ten manifestations of God Himself. Terakoya. A small school for the education of lower class which flourished in the Tokugawa period. Tokishun. "The time of Fullness," one of the three great causations in Tenrikyo. Tsuki-Hi. "Moon and Sun," an explanatory term for God in Tenrikyo. Tsukiyomi no Mikoto. A manifestation of God the Parent, "His Darkness-PierGing Augustness," symbolizes the principle of support. Urami. "Spite," one of the eight kinds of dust. Yattsu no Hokori. "The eight kinds of dust," a character istic Tenrikyo concept of fundamental motivations toward evil in man. Yayoi. The name given to the potteries of prehistoric age in Japan. Yoboku. "Timber," a characteristic term of Tenrikyo for the person who participates in the work of salvation by God. Yokigurashi. "Cheerful and blissful living," a character istic concept of Tenrikyo, is the aim of Tenrikyo in the human salvation. Yoki Zutome. "Cheerful service" is important in the Tenrikyo rituals. Yoku. "Avarice," one of the eight kinds of dust. Zenin Zenka. A popularly accepted term concerning the moral principle indicating "good causes result in good fruits."________________________ __ _____ APPENDIX B TABLES TABLE IV COMPARISON OP THE NUMBER OP RELIGIOUS ESTABLISHMENTS, PREACHERS, AND ADHERENTS IN JAPAN Name of religion Number of establishments ivlumDer of preachers Number of adherents Shinto 1 1 7 ,7 0 2 1 4 1 ,7 5 9 5 6,7 3 7 ,8 3 0 Buddhism 8 1 ,4 6 0 169,437 36,956,885 Christianity 3,026 5,558 3 7 0 ,8 1 9 Others 1,556 3 ,4 2 6 1,9 4 5 ,1 5 1 Totals 2 0 3 ,7 5 4 3 2 0 ,1 8 0 96,010,685 NOTE: Tables IV, V, VI, and VII are taken from the Japanese Government, Department of Education, Shukyo Nempo (Census of Religions), 1950. Tables VIII, and IX are taken from Tenrikyo Central Church, Tenri^o Tokei Nenkan (Tenrikyo Year-Book of Statistics), 1952. ........................ . ■ ........ .“ ""237 TABLE V COMPARISON OP NUMBERS OF RELIGIOUS ESTABLISHMENTS, PREACHERS, AND ADHERENTS IN SHINTO Number Number Number Name of sect of of of establishments jpreachers adherents I Shrine Shinto: Jinjya Honcho 8 7 ,8 0 2 1 4 ,8 7 4 4 2,3 8 5 ,1 8 4 Jinjya Honkyo 131 76 5 4 5 ,5 9 2 Kiso Mitake Honkyo 248 1,162 207,585 Jinjya Ubuspnakyo 200 16 1 1 2 ,4 0 0 Sugahara Kyodan —— —— — Sosin no Oyashiro Honkyo 5 8 2,120 Shinto Taireikyo 21 17 8,482 Shinto Ishikirikyo 6 66 1 1 8 ,2 1 7 Nichizenkyo 2 1 1 5 ,0 0 0 ; Hokkaido Jinjya Kyokai 66 19 1 6 ,5 1 2 ; J ingukyo 16 27 9,000 Kannagarakyo 7 6 13,981 Jinrui Pukushikyo 13 0 30 6 8 ,1 7 0 Kannagara Jinjya Honcho 12 39 2 0 ,7 8 0 Shingikyo —— — Mitakeyama Sokan Honkyo — —— — II Sectarian Shinto: A Shinto Taikyo and its branches: Shinto Taikyo 837 3 ,4 0 5 1,101,3o3 Boseikyo 6 8 4,695 Kotodaraakyo 2 2 35 Shinto Seitaikyo 10 30 1 ,2 4 0 Kakushinkyo 61 68 2 ,8 6 3 Katori Konkokyo 13 34 5 ,3 3 2 Tengenkyo 5 16 3,690 i Misenkyo 6 23 1 ,6 3 8 Kannagarakyo 15 72 1 5 ,3 8 0 Shinto Kanshinkyo 4 7 830 (Continued) TABLE V (Continued) ..... . 2 3 8' —1 Number Number Number Name of sect of of of establishments preachers adherents B Kurozumikyo and its branches: Kurozumikyo 1+07 2,959 6 1 3 ,4 1 9 Munetada Kyodan —— C Shinto Shuseiha 355 1, 658 4 3 ,1 0 1 : D Izumo Taishakyo 287 2,521 3,854,699 E Fusokyo and its branches: Fusokyo 571 1,991 1 4 0 ,9 8 4 Maruyamakyo 85 6l6 8 6 ,3 0 5 Shiogama Ko sha Honcho Seiseikyo 11 18 4 ,1 6 8 Makoto no Michikyo 10 54 5,573 : Ishizuchikyo 198 1,879 5 2 ,1 0 6 ShinseikyG 128 1,943 1 2 ,1 0 5 Shu go Giminkyo 4 12 ^1,500 I Meiseikyo 33 137 5 2 ,5 1 5 Tenchikyo 6 15 4 ,1 6 3 ' Konpirakyo 13 19 7,791 Fuso Fuji Honkyo 17 123 1 ,0 7 6 Daisan Tenkyo 12 28 1 ,0 9 4 Dai Nippon Fujikyo 3 41 435 Tensukyo 17 15 1 ,7 0 8 Fujikyo 5 13 982 Daidokyo 61 181 12,160 Shisei Mahashirakyo 28 65 1,690 Keishinkyo 5 2 839 Honno Kyodan 1 2 212 Amaterasu Minetaka kyo —— —— — — F Shinto J ikkokyo and its branches: Shinto Jikkokyo 496 2,106 2 1 7 ,9 9 2 Meishokyo 2 10 800 Shinto Konpirakyo 8 16 1 4 4 ,3 7 7 Taiwakyo 21 94 3 3 ,1 0 8 (Continued) TABLE V (Continued) ... 239 ...■ Number Number Number Name of sect of of of establishments preachers adherents G Taiseikyo and its branches: Taiseikyo 99 567 226,500 Shugendokyo 86 377 2 1 ,3 1 0 Tenchikyo u 12 1,607 H Shinshukyo and its branches : Shinshukyo 834 674,261 Nikkokyo 5 4.500 Dainiehikyo —— Shinsokyo 18 29 10,358 Daishukyodan — — — I Mitakekyo and its ! 1 branches : Mitakekyo 7,72k 357,334 Hinokyo 25 8 3,223 Hinomotokyo 1 332 64,373 ; Ooyamatokyo 13 42 7,960 1 Renshinto 26 48 14,967 Shinto Kotokukyo 8 60 45,050 i Shinto Shookyo 9 86 900 Tensho Ko tai J ingukyo 73 134 4 0 ,9 5 0 Uchukyodan 3 8 2 ,7 7 0 1 Meiseikyodan 40 102 1 4 ,0 7 2 Shinrikyo 1 2 6,012 Hinomotokyo 2 494 Omoto Aizenen 623 823 39,518 Onsokyo 35 103 23,184 Fuji Goho 7 17 3,396 Honmichi Senpukai 2 9 2,958 Nodakyo 7 35 2 ,3 0 0 Daishinkai Kyodan 5 1 1,021 Tenshinto Kyodan 35 4 0 ,2 7 6 Shinkyokyo 56 5,260 Shuyodan Hoseikai 1 1 3,900 Taiyokyo mm mm — — mm M Shizen Shinto 1 3 3 ,3 8 0 Tenzenkyo 21 31 4,760 (Continued} 21^0 TABLE V (Continued) Number Number Number Name of sect of of of establishments preachers adherents I Mitakekyo and its branches: (Cont*d) Tenonkyo k 7 478 Shinokyo Kyodan 2 4 87 Takamagahara Kyodan 3 3 1 ,1 0 0 Sontenkyo 1 10 122 Senshinkyo 59 433 8 ,9 9 1 Kannagarakai 49 812 3 9 ,3 0 4 Tenzankyo 1 5 5 ,0 0 0 Nippon Korayo Kyodan 25 27 767 Komyokyo —— — — Shinseikyokai 1 ,7 2 5 Kyodanhombu 9 30 Seitoku Kyodanhombu —— — — Tenchi Shinri Omoto Kyodan —— Shins eibokukyokai 108 1 Kyodan 32 1 ,7 4 0 ! Aiwa Tenchikyo 9 2 ,0 6 8 Raishinkyo - - — Seitokukyo Daihoncho 1 5 906 Daisenkyo 32 1 2 ,1 7 6 Shinto Ishizuchiha 10 25 1 ,7 0 0 Daidokyo 61 181 12,160 Izumo DaiJingukyo 3 12 2 9 4 ,4 7 1 Nippon Fudokyo 1 2 1 ,1 5 0 Jinrui Aishin Taiso Kyodan — —— ■ Ishizuchi Honkyo 126 41 2 6 3 8 ,3 4 0 Daizenkyo 8 24 1 ,7 3 0 Shinto Honkyo 8 2 4 2,993 Asahi Kyodan 36 168 6 ,0 7 6 1 Tenrei Kyodan 1 5 41 0 I Togakukai Dainichizenkyo 2 7 1,464 Shinto Omoto Motokyodan 1 33 2,085 Gosokyo 1 8 8 ,2 9 4 Shinreikai Kyodan * Honcho 14.60 86 17s60U (Continued) TABLE V (Continued) - .... ■241 - - Number Number Number Name of sect of of of establishments preachers adherents I Mitakekyo and its branches: (Gonf d) Tetsuri Kyodan 1 2 1 5 5 ' Tensho Kyodan mmmm — — — — Shinto Hinomotokyo 1 1 10 Shinseikaku — — — — Shin Nippon Shinto Kyoha — — — — —— Senhokyo — — — — — — Tenchi Kyoha — — — — — — J i tsuge tsukyo 20 111 2 0 ,5 5 0 Mitakekyo Shuseiha 8 12 2 ,2 3 5 ' Tenseikyo — — — — ! Chokureikyo 9 15 1 ,9 4 7 Tensokyo — — — — — Chikakuzan Minshu Kyodan 55 143 7 2 ,1 5 0 t Choken Reijikyo 9 22 1,600 ! Reisenkyo 4 10 400 Tokkokyo 21 12 13,162 Tenjyokyo 27 64 1 3 ,5 7 4 Mitamakyo 43 69 1 3 ,1 8 0 J Shinrikyo and its branches : Shinrikyo 895 2 ,2 4 0 2 5 8 ,1 5 7 Shoseikyo 7 106 785 Hinomotokyo 4 18 1 ,8 5 0 Seikokyodan 1 16 971 Shinto Shinko Kyodan 8 26 500 Omiwakyo 15 69 1 ,7 8 0 Chintaku Reifu Shinkyoha Hombu 2 29 602 K Misogikyo and its branches : Misogikyo 40 592 1 0 0 ,0 3 2 Shimeikyo — — — — L Konkokyo 1 ,571 3,229 6 9 3 ,3 1 4 (Continued) TABLE V (Continued) 242 - Number Number Number Name of sect of bf of establishments preachers adherents M Tenrikyo and its branches: Tenr ikyo 16,340 7 8 ,8 8 0 1, 4 5 5 ,7 1 3 : Tenri Honmichi 1 570 554,956 : Taidokyo 27 l66 7 ,1 2 2 Sekai Shindokyo 121 454 71,760 Daidokyo 6l I8l 1 2 ,1 6 0 III Others: N ikko Honkyo 25 8 3 ,2 2 3 Tenshokyo Hombu 3 8 3 ,6 0 0 Seiko sha 125 349 9 6 ,9 8 3 Nichirinkyosha — — M mm Shinboku Kyodan 68 182 9 5 ,5 1 0 Sumerakyo 8 83 6 3 ,6 1 1 Dai Nippon Daidokyo 21 42 1 6 ,7 6 3 Sumerakyo Honin 11? 211 2 4 9 ,2 2 3 Shimei Kyodan 4 12 1 ,5 2 0 Inari Kyodan l4 27 4 ,3 6 9 j Hinomoto Kyodan 11 53 5 ,5 0 9 ' P. L. Kyodan l5l 416 2 3 0 ,5 4 0 1 Meijikyo 96 348 3 3,5 0 5; Tenr e ikyo 5 9 1 5 ,0 0 0 Totals 117,702 141,759 5 6,7 3 7 ,8 3 0 1 — 1 - ' (\j_d-o-oo ri\0_=hG^sOir\G\_-h c^ çdsû cr\ (V ^ c o G O r^C\jOvOHC\JHCVJ +>sû H H IH O J H C M U\vO v O o H • k E h ' 1 — 1 -P * ^ © © nj nj M I: 1 1 H 1 H I H_d-H o-co -=^ a d H I I I 1 1 C M H © ^ A © A © w ,doo rH 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 H t U \U \ C M 1 1 1 1 1 i 1 1 H O o H M g 1 » H rococo C T ' C O p L , -P l> s HCMOOri\OvOCMvO'LAHlH O S © -P H H -Gf H t — 1 H O g H H _ = ÿ C O p 4 fn ü rH H è < 1 — 1 s O > Q. !3 ! 2 5 H p q < C O S tJ M ^ © ^ p Û O O •H CO O O O H 1 v £ ) HCO c^<nocM V Û < O H ri C ^ H H # OO CM O OCQIA Hf H C O O • X 3 H H c<\\i\ o H n c 3 • > • k P q ? s H m O M m P 3 S O o C O -Pin C M H-GtC^n vOlAcMlA-^-^-vO j>- H fltTv H -d-H OCO IH p ü ■ H ■ ' — ' H Oi C O S o O © q o •ri © P © H © 0 H O © © P © © O G Ü p H g H © H O fi © © © O P © •rl O X lO P © P ^ © © H g H P 00©fH «HÜ risiq © P •H©XÎ© © k © © P H H P > (3 © © O > •» W 0 0 - 0 O OPHÜO©© P4PH©P Ü 5 C H E H % H •H © © H © © P H © H © © O P > H f: nd è 'd © S © p H V i§ © «H H •ria4Hp40'P®P T* O Ü O "H H k H P O H H H P d pJtDOWSPnf^OH'P'HHH •H •P © © © p P4 c e ; ^ o c e; o 243 G â g •H -P G d I g % g rÛ < D 01 < D -P o d ô •H g C Q •H 0 2 I g g A 5 J 4 i • < D O Q ^ M g k I S 13 o o • • 01 M EH © O > Î 2 ! W ;d o •H - g H H > g EH d3 o < w C O o il ” 1 o m S o g C O H üq S O o E H rH © P O E h rH © t © S 3 3 p O ■P © nH rH S 3 P 0 4 H 0 O P <P3s{ © P i nH O H is © P3 © 1 - © H 4 3 G nH © o 43 Pi 43 0 1 3 H © © Pi O © nH P 13 S 3 © © IS :© 1 © © g © p^nH O P i M O © P P3 o W C M S 3 o H S P © O 03 0 13 M O •3 P o © © M O © l r \ 0 h J -IA <n-=d-rH ,^ -Z j-v O r r \ O -xO N Û C \J C \J rH O O rH (H C \J C \IrH rH C M C M C T ^ rH C M rH rH rH rH O O rH i — I C M H C M C M C M C M I — I rH I — 1 I — I rH rH rH rH rH -GtrH rH rH C M H rH -= J -U \r- f^rH rH rH rH rH C M ri^oO C M C M C M 1 P , I C M rH I — I rH rH rH rH rH _=h_d' rH rH rH C M rH C M I —I rH C M C M ^ rH C M C M rH rH rH rH © o © o m E H - r l £0 l i 0 1 •H © E H O © é g O 3 © N p H P h I •H h) S a a # 5 © P © •H *H P © iu «H EH CO g O o •H vi ^ ^ *iH W P C î 43 «H O © C O S & H •H nH H O >» (» © P V- 3 ri © Q Ü S "H •H © © © t^^CO^P^MEH P p 43 ■ 8 5 -H m H Ij M © "I ï l < O E h § © P S ^ i Pi «H O H p 4 H ' © I - TlS ëa H W © P i 0 © HP 13 0 © © 1 © © IB <2è © p 03 W Pi S 0 O •H P © O 03 i3 H O p o © © M O © S rH rH rH rH XT\ rH rH vO C \1 rH -0 " C\l C \J rH C \J C rH rH i — 1 -0 " rH i — 1 rH i — I rH CM I —1 I —i CM I —I CM rH rH rH rH rH - 0 * I —I I —I rH -= t I —1 I —I rH CM I —I I —I I —I I —I I —I rH 1 —I H C M rH k S H S •H © * d © i j o o 0 A o P i P A) o H o nH »iH * r l S 3 © 43 © *H C O G Q Q 03 T j *H • o © nH *4 bO P i © • B B S P h C O E H fO O M 03 O o nH p o 4 3 *H P © © O M CO M © © © I tH I C O l 3 I 5 O 13 O cO O O o o OBs! nH s 3 © © O P i © C 0 O © © S3 © 0 g nH © bO © © S3 ,5 M nH g nH 0 N P nH O nH ** 3 m ...... © 43*h«H4343430o ^ (O C O c o a c O < 4 a c O o c O f e 0 3 S & j_ o Tj © 'É U 0*H O © 43 1 5 : ...... 2IÎ.0 r H © r H rH C0rH r H O- p l>- O ; i & H © H f — 1 O © 1 © O W 0 4 3 O P© n H 1 — 1 r H 1 — i v Û © H 0 P C O 0 n H 0 •• ^ O t J Û u 0 § M M g © r N Î3 n H • H P i rH C M -0" O P i r H O o r H (U © 1 3 r H r H 1 0 3 O Pi © M 1- © H c a . © © n H © O -=t * 4 3 r H 4 3 P i 4 3 x D P O 013 g © 4 3 rH© © o © S H p © O© r H 1A © •HP m o © 1 3 S 3 ♦ H r H ©© 1 3 i3 0 i3 • H n H M 1 5 1 M © ©© C M 0 T > 5 G® r H O ^ Pf H n H • H OPi p M P MO © © ©P O r H CQ o 0 3 0 O < o O 1A 1 3 O E H '— ' _=t © 4 3 ' O : xû U © r H © 1 3 4 3 O i r H 0 % S 3 0 n H O _ 0 3 • H ^ (>- 0 1 p © 0 3 • © P © o 0 3 -Gt P « n 0 0 © © © U r H © 4 3 M o rH O O P r H © o © r H 1 n O O ^ t •H 0 4 3 " H C M P rH O n H O o o C O © 4 3 © 0 E h © © p I I I •rl P o © © rH P 0 n H © © O 0 © © © H © ü O M K P e h 0 0 O O © © 0 1 • H n H Ü O O r & j © 0 © P O © P i S 3 0 1 3 O 0 0 n H • H E H êU ’ îs; 4 3 n H © 4 3 © 1 1 O h) X E O A t z ) X C O § ( O p 03 < S H g 03 O M 04 43 M 43 M n O > C O t X i m Î0 Q O H m g S 10 R m K M < O fe E h 3 ü , o o o C O A g o Mis © ©•HO rO M rH g 0 H p O O îs; O M M O © 0 0 © © 43 41 M o go© 3 © Î 2 5 0 Pi O © © 0 43 P © ü 0 4» 0 M bO O 0 •H © 0 43 rH © O rH 4 0 0 a © 43 P ^ R P i M O © s|l ill Oî o 4» © 0 0 43 © © o 4» 0 0 © © M O N m sO # * m o m nO CM o c^ o\ m m • k CM rH O U\ xO & I —1 rH CM m CM • t lA xO CM Î a • k rH C O C O • t r— xO I — I o- t o # k o OO xO VÛ CO fA CA A # k CM CM rH rH (A rH cA Ox lA -0" O lA CM VÛ IX- D— • k « k rH I —1 I —I rH (A %A O 1 3 n 5 CA CO o rH O lA VÛ # k O CO CO OO CA « k CM I — I -0- [x- « k rH rH I — I CM rH o rH # k I — I C— rH 00 0 • k O |x- G O OO -0 * « k CM rH -0 " ox Ox -0* -0* OO « k rH rH rH CM I —1 ^ 3 a ta ox Ov ox ox ox rH rH rH rH rH CM OO lA # k OO CA rH XA CA XA # k Ox [X- VÛ OO [ X . * k CM rH a ox rH I —1 # k CM rH rH CM H § rH Ex. CM CM • k O XA rH Ox % « k rH OO CA CA CM # k CA I — I XA rH XA XA CM rH CA CM rH G O CO xO # k [X- VÛ rH xO (A OO • k CM 00 xO [x. CA # k CA rH OX 3- _0- xO D— * k CM rH CA CM rH [X- QO -0 " -0 " OX OX I —I rH O OX xO « k VÛ OO rH • k CA OO CM ta • k CA rH -0 * rH O • k CA H S ' . « k -0 " I —1 CM -0 " G O CA rH 3* CM « k CA rH OO ta # k [X- -0 - CM CA XA O QO OO OO OO |x- C J x CA ox [X- o x CA XA CJx CA rH xO CM -0- <A CA • k CA rH CA -0* XA CM CM CM I —I I —I I —i CJx O rH -0- XA XA C J x C J x C J x rH rH rH % CO © •H • H j d -S •H I —i © P3 I 2#' TABLE IX NUMBER OP CHURCHES, PREACHERS, AND CONFIRMED FOLLOWERS IN 1951, BY LOCALITIES Locality Churches Preachers Confirmed followers Hokkaido 7l|3 3 ,3 5 1 11,656 Tohoku 672 3,190 8 ,2 3 8 Kan to 2,766 13,331). 3 3 ,4 2 0 Chubu 1 ,9 2 7 1 0 ,7 0 5 29,693 Kinki il.,266 2 7 ,6 2 5 1 0 6 ,0 4 6 Cliugoka 1,129 6,11+2 21,775 Shikoku 81+2 4,61+0 1 7 ,6 9 9 Kyushu 1 ,3 2 6 7,1+46 1 8 ,9 8 7 Foreign lands1 323 2, 1+52 44 Totals 13,991). 7 8 ,8 8 5 2 4 7 ,5 5 8 NOTE: Reliability is 98.9^. Univecslty of Sou ^tsrn C a lifo rn ia Ltiffrarÿ

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University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses

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Creator Uehara, Toyoaki (author)

Core Title A study of Tenrikyo: With special reference to the teaching of God and man

Contributor Digitized by ProQuest (provenance)

Degree Master of Arts

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag OAI-PMH Harvest,philosophy, religion and theology

Format application/pdf (imt)

Language English

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-c39-365064

Unique identifier UC11313162

Identifier EP65251.pdf (filename),usctheses-c39-365064 (legacy record id)

Legacy Identifier EP65251.pdf

Dmrecord 365064

Document Type Thesis

Format application/pdf (imt)

Rights Uehara, Toyoaki

Type texts

Source University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Access Conditions The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the au...

Repository Name University of Southern California Digital Library

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