University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses

The party problem of the Corinthian church

(USC Thesis Other)

The party problem of the Corinthian church

PDF

Download

Open document

Flip pages

Download a page range

Download transcript

Copy asset link

Request this asset

Transcript (if available)

Content THE PARTY PROBLEM OF THE GORIHTHIAl CHURCH
by
Euel Atchley
A Thesis Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
MASTER OF ARTS
(Religion)
August 1957
UMI Number: EP65279
All rights reserved
INFORMATION TO ALL USERS
The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted.
In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript
and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed,
a note will indicate the deletion.
D I‘'sertdition Rubl sb»rtg
UMI EP65279
Published by ProQuest LLC (2014). Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author.
Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC.
All rights reserved. This work is protected against
unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code
ProQuest LLC.
709 East Eisenhower Parkway
P.O. Box 1346
Ann Arbor, Ml 48106- 1346
UNIVERSITY OF SO UTHERN CALIFORNIA
G R A D U A T E S C H O O L
U N IV E R S IT Y P A R K
L O S A N G E L E S 7
D
R 'Se A
This thesis, w ritten by
Euel At ..........
under the guidance of h% 3....F aculty Committee,
and approved by a ll its members, has been pre-
sented to and accepted by the F aculty of the
Graduate School, in p a rtia l fu lfillm e n t of the
requirements fo r the degree of
MASTER OF ARTS
............joîhnS COO^
Acting Dean
Dean
Date 19$7................
Faculty Committee - , . . > ;
. ....
ClutirwSin
TABLE OP CONTENTS
CHAPTER PACE
I. INTRODUCTION . ............... • • . . 1
The problem......................... 1
Importance of the study............ 1
Preview................ 2
II. ALEXANDRIAN JUDAISM.................... k
Introduction ........................ I f .
Philo Judaeus........................ 5
Time and setting................... 5
The spirit of the man ....... 5
Active l i f e ........................ 7
Writings............. 9
Scriptural interpretation ...... 11
Summary..................... 15
III. HEBREWS............................... 171
General setting ...................... 17;
Destination........................ 18
Racial recipients . .............. 18
Literary considerations .............. l8
Authorship............................ 19
The author and Philo .............. 20
Message ........................ 22
Christianity the supreme revelation
of God........................... 23
ill]
CHAPTER page
Christianity the supreme access to God . 25
Faith........... 30
Salvation ......................... 31
Ethical teaching . . . . . . . . . 31
Summary ................ 32
IV. THE RELIGION OP P A U L......... 3 1 1 -
Environment ................ 34-
Pre-Christian activity......... 35
Message ...... ................. 37
Need of redemption........... 3Ô
Redemptive process............... 3#j
God#s part ............ 38|
I
Jesus* part ........ .......... 39
Man* 8 p a r t ................. 40|
Justification by faith ........ 4-Oj
Salvation ......... 4- l |
I
Summary................. h-2
V. THE CONFLICT AT CORINTH ............ 43
Introduction ............... 43
j
Corinth......................... 43
The church......................
The Corinthian correspondence ....... 48|
A preview . ......................... 50
Apollos................................. 52
iv
CHAPTER PAGE
Pactions............................ 55
Introduction . . . . . . . . . 55
I Corinthians 1 - 4 ...... 58
Detailed refutation ....... 61
II Corinthians 10 -..... 1 3 : 1 0 . 73
Summary ......... . JQ
I Corinthians 15 •••••••••• • 78
VI. CONCLUSIONS.................... 82
BIBLIOGRAPHY..................... .......... 88 I
CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION
This Study of the factional problem of the
Corinthian Church is an attempt to depict the identity
and philosophy of the contending parties. It is necessary,
however, to deal also with historical background relating
to this thesis.
I. THE PROBLEM
The party problem of the Corinthian church is pre
sented in this study in the context of the Graeco-Roman
world. This context will include a history and setting
of Corinth in the Roman empire; the religious situation
and development of the cited parties--Paul, Apollos,
Cephas, and Christ; a presentation of these views in the
I context of the probable religious antecedents of the
Iprincipals--this especially deals with Paul, Apollos, and
jHebrews; an examination of the literature which is pri-
j marily related to the factional problem— I Corinthians 1-4,
i
I and II Corinthians 10-13; a summary statement concludes
I the thesis.
I
I
i
I Importance of the study. The study of the
I Corinthian party problem deserves attention for several
2
reasons. First, it sheds light on the religious ante
cedents of men centrally involved in establishing the
Christian religion which has contributed so largely to
our western culture. This aspect is important in that
historical background is considered primary to an under
standing of the religious belief of any age. Secondly,
the religious fertility of this period deserves study in
its own right by those whose main concern is the study of
religion.
Preview. The assessing of the involved sections
of the Corinthian literature relating to the factional
problem reveals the centrality of an Apollos* party.
Apollos is stated to have come from Alexandria. Chapter
II, tnerefore, presents the essential features of
Alexandrian Judaism; the intention is that such a presenta
tion may greatly aid the modern student in understanding
the nature of one of the contending parties. It would be
highly desirable in our study to have a "Christian** docu
ment of the Alexandrian variety. Chapter III presents the
book of Hebrews as a very possible example of such a
document. The dominant aspects of Paul*s religion are set
forth in Chapter IV; this presents the possible areas of
conflict with an Alexandrian variety of Christianity. The
^Acts 18:24.
3
conflict itself is assessed in Chapter V. The final
chapter attempts to bring together the findings of this
study and their probable implications.
CHAPTER II
(
ALEXANDRIAN JUDAISM
I. INTRODUCTION
The antecedents of Apollos are stated in Acts 18:24,
"Now a Jew named Apollos, a native of Alexandria, came to
Ephesus. He was an eloquent man, well versed in scrip-
I ture." There is no apparent reason to doubt the Acts*
i
j source at this point. One of the structural foundations
I of this thesis is the evaluation of the "Apollos party"
I as representative of an "Alexandrian" type of religion.
' It does not fall within the scope of this study to
present the many parallels or bridges between Hellenistic
I Judaism and Christianity. It appears, however, that such
: a bridge did exist in this Alexandrian type of Hellenistic
i
Judaism, and that a conditioning process had continued for
; at least three centuries. This process led to a rather
organized orthodoxy as to what could or could not be
' assimilated of Greek and other extra-Judaistic thought.^
Goodenough suggests that Alexandrian Judaism was amazingly
,like Christianity in its basic points of view, methodology.
^E. R. Goodenough, to Introduction to Philo Judaeus
(New Haven: Yale University Press, 1940), P. x.
2
and resemblances to paganism.
II. PHILO JUDAEUS
Time and Setting
It is not within the scope of this study to "settle"
the controversy among scholars as to a valid interpretation
of Philo Judaeus. Our purpose is to examine the general
cheiracteristics of the religion of Philo, and to demon
strate, if possible, the elements which might conflict
with Pauline Christianity and initiate the controversy at
Corinth.
i
j Perhaps the most ii#ortant aspect of Philo*s work
I
I is the date of his activity. He describes himself as an
I "old man" in a document depicting events of A.D. 4^, and
I he lived long enough after this date to write two rather
ilong treatises. It is easy to understand the importance
■of this man, living at such a time, who was at once a
contemporary of Jesus and Paul, and perhaps the teacher of
I Apollos.
i
I The Spirit of the Man
I There is much that is fascinating concerning the
I
I
{history of Philo* s family: the immense wealth, the unique
^Ibld.
%blct.. p. 2
6
position and standing in the Homan empire. However, we
are more concerned with the man himself and his religious
thought. Unfortunately Philo was not afflicted with the
-habit of talking about himself or, more accurately, of
writing about himself. Fortunately there are a few notable
exceptions in Philo*s work in which he is somewhat auto
biographical. Perhaps the most significant of these ex
ceptions is found at the beginning of the third book of
his treatise "On the Special Laws."
There/ was once a time when by devoting myself to
philosophy and to contemplation of the world and its
parts I achieved the enjoyment of that mind which is
truly beautiful, desirable, and blessed; for I lived
in constant communion with sacred utterances and
teachings, in which I greedily and insatiably rejoiced.
No base or worldly thoughts occurred to me, nor did I
grovel for glory, wealth, or bodily comfort, but I
seemed to ever be borne aloft in the heights in a
rapture of soul and to accompany sun, moon, and all
heaven and the universe in their revolutions. Then,
ah, then peeping downwards from the ethereal heights
and directing the eye of my intelligence as from a
watchtower, I regarded the untold spectacle of all
earthly things, and reckoned myself happy at having
forcibly escaped the calamities of mortal life.
And yet there lurked near me that most grievous of
all evils. Envy, with its hatred of all that is fair,
which suddenly fell upon me, and did not cease forcibly
dragging upon me until it hurled me down into the vast
sea of political cares, where I am still tossed about
and unable even so much as to rise to the surface. But
though I groan at my fate, I still struggle on, for I
have implanted in my soul from my early youth, a desire
for education which ever has pity and compassion upon
me, and lifts me up and elevates me. This it is by
which I can sometimes raise my head,. and by which,
though the penetration of the eyes of my soul is dimmed
by the mists of Alien Concerns, I can yet cast about
with them in some measure upon my surroundings, while
I long to suck the breast of life pure and unmixed
with evils. And if unexpectedly there is temporary
quiet and calm in the political tumults, I become
winged and skim the waves, barely flying, and am blown
by the breeze of understanding, which often persuades
me to run away as it were for a holiday with her from
my pitiless masters, who are not only men but also
the great variety of practical affairs which are
deluged upon me from all sides like a torrent. Still
even in such a condition, I ought to thank God that
while I am inundated I am not sucked down into the
depths. Rather, though in despair of any good hope I
had considered the eyes of my soul to be incapacitated,
now I open them and am flooded with the light of wis
dom, so that I am not abandoned for the whole of life
to darkness, and so, behold, I dare not only read the
sacred expositions of Moses, but even with a passion
of understanding, I venture to examine in detail, and
I to disclose and publish what is known to the multi-
I tude.4
I This rather long statement has been included to present
I
I the spirit of the man.
j Active Life
It is interesting to note that Philo spent a great
! part of his life in intimate touch with all the teeming
i life of Alexandria. In spite of his preoccupation with
metaphysics in his writing, he was an habitue of the
theatres, the games, the banquets of Alexandria. He was
a critical observer of the athletics of his day, and
I speaks with the expert*s insight about contests in which
• the victor was not the more skillful boxer, but the man
j who was in better physical training to "take punishment."
I He tells of being at chariot races where excitement ran so
pp. 5-7.
I I
L _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ i
8
high that some of the spectators rushed onto the course
and were killed. He describes the enthusiasm of the crowd
at a now lost play of Euripides when some brilliant lines
in praise of freedom were recited. He often noticed at
the theatre how differently music affects different people,
the same selection moving some to exclamations of praise,
leaving others unmoved, and driving others out of the
theatre in disgust. When he attended banquets he had to
watch himself carefully, "take reason along," or, as
frequently happened, he would become a helpless slave to
the pleasures of food and drink. With what satisfaction
does he recall the banquets which he attended where he did
I not lose himself!^ j
! This is what we know of Philo from autobiographical |
■ - I
: passages in his writings. We begin with him in the exter- j
nal life of the politicus, highly connected, wealthy, alive|
to all that was vital in Alexandria. He was also a man |
I I
I who found time to write a great number of treatises which !
must have been almost a library in themselves. He was a
man who lived in conflict between the practical and the
contemplative. But even in the contemplative he was a man
of divided loyalty.
'Ibid., p. 9.
Writings
Philo’s writings are, for the most part, scriptural
commentaries. Some of them consider the text verse by
verse, others devote whole treatises to discursive allegory
on only a few verses, in the course of which scriptural
statements are selected from any part of the Pentateuch
and related to the central verses. Philo’s work may be
called midrash, but his explanations and objectives are
very unlike the midrash of the Palestinian rabbis.
With a profound loyalty to the Hebrew scriptures
I
I which insists upon the sanctity of the very letter, with a
(
I loyalty to Jewish law which reveals that he was a care-
j fully observant Jew, Philo combines a veritable obsession
! with the ideas of the Greek civilization about him.^ He
I was not indiscriminate in adopting the ideas and practices
of Hellenistic Alexandria. He regarded with scorn the
idolatry of pagan cults. But he was moved by the sublime
philosophy of the Greeks.
This philosophy included much; it included the wholej
system of Greek education, as well as the teachings of the
most formal philosophers of all schools. These were com
bined with the now less known and more mystic ideas which
Platonic and Pythagorean schools were developing in their
p. 10.
10
transition to Neoplatonism.7 Philo did not find all
philosophy acceptable; Stoic materialism and Epicurean
humanism were abhorrent to him. Yet the philosophical
schools fascinated him as much as, if not more than, the
teachings of the Hebrew scriptures in their literal form.
Philo was also interested in the ideas behind the Mystery
religions which had poured into the Hellenistic "mixing
bowl" ef Alexandria. To what extent he was influenced by
the Mystery religions is at present a highly controverted
point, but, if his mystical language and terms are ac-
Icounted at all, they stare at us from almost every page,
t
land appear to be a terminology expressive of his own
I
(experience.
t
' This complexity of expression in Philo continues to
iperplex the recognized authorities in this area. Heinemannj
! Goodenough, and Volker differ considerably in picturing
I
Philo. Goodenough feels that the heart of Philo is reached
i
I in the more allegorical and mystical writings. If this is
I true, and somewhat true of the Judaism of Alexandria and of
I Apollos as well, we may have arrived at the heart of the
{Corinthian controversy! This would be a controversy
t
{between a speculative "super philosophical" religion with
i
I strong affinities to Platonic thought and a more Hebraic
., p. 11
11
presentation of Christianity represented by Paul. This
study will examine Paul’s gospel in a later chapter.
Scriptural interpretat ion. Philo’s interpretation
of Hebrew scripture was consistently Greek in spirit. An
example of this usage is found in his work On the Life of
Moses. This work is an apology to friendly pagans, pre
senting the great Moses, and what he did that the Jews
were so proud of him. It is an introduction to Judaism
through the story of Moses and the establishment of Jewish
law, Moses is characterized in terms of the contemporary
I ideal of the king, who was to be the "divine man" and so
j link the people with the spiritual order.® This was the
1 personality that the pagan world had long been hoping for.
IHe would be the "ideal sage" of the Stoics, the "divine
man" of the Pythagoreans, the "savior" of the Mysteries.
i
IHis life would be of value not only for himself but also
I
as a powerful ordering and saving agent in society and in
the lives of individuals who looked to him for guidance.
It was indeed a bold assertion and presentation.
This extremely complex idea was expressed legally j
by describing the ideal man as the incarnate representationj
of supreme and universal law. In him that law, itself j
unformulated, could become vocal; that is, that ideal man
8
Ibid., p. 36.
12
had the power of taking a law which was spirit and divine
purpose and of applying it to human situations. Through
him, the law, or nature of God, could become statutory
laws, and true laws for society could never, it was be
lieved, be had in any other way.^
It was Philo’s triumphant boast that what the
Gentiles sought in ignorance the Jews had actually pos
sessed in Moses. Moses was also the ideal priest and
prophet, and he was able to give the perfect legislation
of Judaism. Moses was freed from death, translated to
take his place among the stars where he joined in the
cosmic hymn of the heavenly bodies. He returned, gave
final admonitions to Israel, and shed his body, like the
shell of an oyster, as his soul returned to the immaterial.
Though a different personality is presented as the ideal,
the Gentiles would have heard very little about a Jewish
point of view of God, nature, or man, which was in any
sense different from that of the noblest teachers of
Greece.
This presentation of Philo of the cosmological
introduction or creation, would have been in serious con
flict with that of the Jerusalem Pharisee. Philo follows
the Platonic thought in creation of matter, time, and
Ibid.. p. 39
13
assistants in creation.
He wishes to amaze the Gentile reader with the great
amount of Hellenistic cosmology and metaphysics which he
can read out of, more really into, the first three chapters
of Genesis. The very fact that Moses started with the
creation of the world shows that he surpassed all other
law-makers. For, while some had started with legislation,
others with myths, Moses presents at the outset the place
of law in the universe, and the fact that the one who obeys
true law is thereby living in accord with nature and
Inature’s God.^^ The ultimate is twofold, active cause and
i
{passive object. The active cause, God, transcends all
things, even virtue, the beautiful and the good.12 This
' transcendent Being is at the same time the cause of all
created things. The equally original passive object is
i
i unformed matter. The fact that the formed world must have
i
I had an origin is argued after the reasoning of Plato in
I the Timaeus .
The two Biblical stories of creation are then dis-
icussed in detail. The creation in seven days described in I
p. t ) . 0 .
^^Ibld., p. I j - l .
^^Ibid.
^^Ibid.. p. 42.
%
the first chapter of Genesis is to Philo the creation of
the ideal world, the Platonic pattern of the material
world. The first creation, being immaterial is also non
spat ial, and existed in the divine reason or Logos as an
architect’s plan in the architect’s mind. But in applying
this perfect creation to matter, God was from the first
limited by the limitation of matter itself, the ultimate
passive object. The perfect creation was itself the Logos
of God, and the days of creation could not represent time,
for time, as Plato had said, came into existence only with
the movement of the heavenly bodies in space. The number
of "days" of the first ideal creation represents the order
of, or within, the ideal world, which actually came into
j existence simultaneously. Much attention is given to the
inumerological force of each of the numbers from one to
I seven, and the appropriateness of what was done on each
I 1 [
I day, or rather what is to be classified under each number.
I When Philo comes to man’s being "in the image of God," he
! identifies it with man’s divine reason, by which man
I
I aspires to mystic association with God. But as with Plato,
{man was not made by God alone, but also by assistants,
thus God is saved from causation of evil.^^
The second part of the treatise takes up the second
^^Ibid., p. 43.
15
story of creation, and the fall. The first man was a
purely ideal creature. The man created in the second
story was a combination of matter and spirit, made from
mother earth and unlike his ideal prototype, specifically
male. He was made of the very best materials and given
the breath of God, the Logos of his spiritual nature. He
was a citizen of the universe, co-citizen with the heavenly
bodies. Therefore, since the Logos was a summation of the
ideal world, so man in his spiritual nature was a micro
cosmos, and even his body was made after the ideal numeri
cal relations. His downfall began with the creation of
!
woman, who represented and emphasized the material part of
his nature, especially the physical desire. Through her
the serpent, symbol of pleasure, attacked him and caused
I
Ihis downfall, for reason became the slave of pleasure, and |
!
I with this enslavement mother earth ceased to produce for
man without his toil and effort. The purpose of this
treatise "on creation" is to show that Moses’ story of
1 A ^
; creation sets forth the highest cosmology and metaphysic.
I Summary |
: This chapter has intended to depict the dominant I
! I
I aspects of Alexandrian Judaism. The assimilation of Greek j
I culture and philosophy to Judaism in Alexandria is aeceptedj
16
Ibid., p. 45.
16
in this thesis as foundational to an understanding of the
party problem of the Corinthian church. Apollos was,
according to the secondary source, an eloquent Jew from
Alexandria and well versed in scripture.^? It Is quite
probable that Apollos was versed in scripture in the
manner of Philo Judaeus. This would mean that Apollos
would be a preacher, partial to Greek philosophy, especi
ally Plato, and that he would use the Hebrew scriptures
in an allegorical (dual meaning) manner, somewhat related
to the method of Philo described here.
^*^Acts 18:24
CHAPTER III
HEBREWS
I. GENERAL SETTING
The book of Hebrews is considered next because of
its Alexandrian affinities. This book is in many respects
the riddle of the New Testament. Nothing conclusive is
known of its origin; nothing approaching agreement has
been reached as to its literary character or theological
affinities. Among early Christian writings it stands
solitary and mysterious, "without father, without mother,
without genealogy," like that Melchizedek on whom its
!
I argument turns.^
It should not be necessary for the purpose of this
study to trace in detail the evidence for dating Hebrews.
It is quoted by Clement of Rome in A.D. 95 or 96, and must
I by that time have existed long enough to secure some
: weight and authority. It is safe to assume that it was
I not written much later than A.D. 85;^ both Scott and
; Moffatt suggest a date between A.D. 70 and 8$.
P. Scott, The Epistle to the Hebrews.(Edinburgh:
T. and T. Clark, 1922), p. 1.
^Ibld.. p. 5.
18
Destination
Jerusalem, Rome, Alexandria, Antioch, and other less
prominent churches have been suggested as possible audi
ences for Hebrews. There has been continuing debate as to
which of these suggested locations was indeed the original
recipient of Hebrews; perhaps Rome and Alexandria have
received the strongest support.
Racial recipients. The controversy as to whether
jHebrews was addressed to a Jewish audience again empha-
Isizes the "riddle of the books." The more recent view
j which points to a rather general Christian audience com-
jmands a greater influence in this t h e s i s . ^
! Literary Considerations
The writer was evidently a man of culture, who had
I
: a masterful command of the Greek language. The writer was
I of pronounced Hellenic b a c k g r o u n d . 4
I
Although Hebrews stands in our New Testament among
the epistles, one should never guess until the concluding
I
'Passage is reached that it had been intended as an epistle.
It has all the marks of a spoken discourse. The style is
balanced and rhetorical with several unusual outbursts of
i ^ I b l d . . p p . 15 - 17 .
i TiT. Mans on. The Epistle to the Hebrews (London:
Hodder and Stoughton, 19bl}, P. 3*
19
eloquence. The theme is carefully planned, and is de
veloped with skillful pauses, transitions, and variations.
These are the devices of which a practical speaker avails
himself in order to carry an audience with him through a
complicated argument.^ More than once the author seems to
indicate that he is in the act of speaking.®
II. AUTHORSHIP
I
I
I Who was the author of Hebrews? This has always been
I
I one of the thorny questions of New Testament criticism,
!
i and almost every prominent figure of first-century history
I
I has been put forward as a possible claimant. Paul,
'Apollos, Luke, Clement, Aquila and Priscilla, and Barnabas
I
I have received support from time to time.
! That Paul was not the author appears to be certain.
I The passage in Hebrews 2:3 in which the author classes
I himself with those who have received the gospel not from
i
i the Lord himself but from the apostles would be an impos-
Isible utterance from Paul.7
It is possible that Apollos, first suggested by
Luther, was the author of Hebrews. Apollos, as has been
^Scott, op. cit., pp. 6-9.
^Hebrews 2:5; 6:9; 11:32.
^Scott, o£. cit., pp. 4-5.
20
cited previously, was a man of Alexandria, eloquent,
mighty in scripture; and the book is certainly the work of
an eloquent student of the Old Testament, steeped in
Alexandrian ideas, Paul's allusions to the teaching of
Apollo8 at Corinth, which will be examined in detail in a
later chapter, seems to substantiate the view that Apollos
gave a philosophical turn to the Christian message. The
theory that Apollos was the author of Hebrews must be
jrecognized as conjectural; the argument advanced in this
!
jthesis is not dependent upon it, Hebrews being taken only
I as control literature of the Alexandrian variety,
I
; The Author and Philo
I A comparison between Philo of Alexandria and the |
I I
; writer of Hebrews may be profitable at this point, (1) |
! Philo and the writer of Hebrews are both biblical theo- j
I
jlogians, who advance to new doctrines by an elucidation of j
I the hidden purport of the Old Testament, They assume that i
I . !
: scripture is the immediate utterance of the Spirit, and j
I i
I that Hs statements have an absolute value. They seek to |
! . I
arrive at the ultimate solution of all problems not by j
! abstract reasoning, but by investigating the data of |
j scripture. (2) In this investigation they employ a method j
j
■ which to the modern mind is arbitrary. Every utterance i
I 1
I of scripture is supposed to convey a spiritual as well as
j a literal reference, and the chief aim of the expositor
21
is to arrive at this underlying meaning. The author is
guided in his quest by no uniform principle, unless his
underlying philosophy may be called a guiding principle,
but trusts to his spiritual intuition,^ The exegesis re
solves itself into a free play of fancy and conjecture
around the suggestions thrown out by the text, (3) The
theory of a twofold sense involved in the words of
scripture is only an aspect of the symbolism which is
shared by the two writers. The visible world, as they
apprehend it, is nothing but the reflection of a higher
world in which the visible world finds its true meaning |
and reality. In their interpretation of the work of God
they accept the material forms as merely signs and
' shadows whose value consists in something that lies beyond
i them. The task of the enlightened mind is to raise itself,
I through contemplation of the symbols, to knowledge of the
I divine realities, ( I | . ) They are both preoccupied with the
i
I idea of worship. Religion, in their view, is identical
I with the true worship of God, and they therefore transfer
I to the ritual all the significance which in Pharisaic
I Judaism was attached to the Law. For both of them the
I idea of worship is closely connected with that of media
tion. Philo works within the framework of Greek
22
conceptions, and the author of Hebrews with the gospel
tradition; but they are one in the fundamental thought
that man, under earthly conditions, is shut out from the
higher world. He must find access to God through a power
that reaches into his own life wnile participating in the
divine nature. {$) For Philo the mediation is accomplished
by the Logos, which corresponds at once with the creative
Word of the Old Testament and the immanent reason of
Platonic thought. He ascribes to this Logos a certain
personality as a second divine principle. In Hebrews the
I term Logos is never expressly used, but in the opening line
I there is unmistakable reference to the doctrine, which is
I outlined almost in the very language of Philo.^ (6) The
I
I writer of Hebrews adopts an idea of faith which bears a
striking resemblance to that of Philo. He appears to be
more closely related to Philo with respect to the concept
I of faith than to his Christian predecessors.
j
I III. MESSAGE
I
I The purpose of this thesis does not necessitate a
I detailed examination of the book of Hebrews. It has been
considered chiefly because of its literary methodology
which is strongly Alexandrian. This type of Christianity
, p. 52. '
23
may well represent the religion of Apollos in both content
! and form.
Christianity the Supreme Revelation of God
This is the first contribution of the writer.
Through the channel and agency of the Son there has come
a revelation which is at once comprehensive and final and
real; this thought has a strong Platonic element in it.^^
To argue the saving revelation's superiority, the
author presents the superiority of the revealing medium.
In a rhetorical outburst at the very beginning of his dis
course he contrasts the earlier prophetic media with the
Son. The greatness of this Son is shown by his divine
appointment to a universal inheritance, by the ascription
to him of agency in creation, by his moral and essential
I
likeness to deity, by his preserving power over creation, I
by his priestly redemption, and by his heavenly exaltation j
11 !
and honor. Every phrase of the opening description in j
Hebrews 1:2-3 is calculated to impress his hearers with j
i
the greatness of the disclosure which God has made through
the superb and surpassing medium of his Son.
The prophetic visions and revelations were not the
W. Parsons, The Religion of the Hew Testament
(New York; Harper and Brothers, l^^9), pTT^TT”
p. 11)4.
ai:
only part of the pre-Christian revelation of God. The
Pentateuohal Law, with its strange combination of ethics,
sacrifice, and liturgy, was deeply rooted in the Christian
daughter of Judaism. The question as to how this legal
revelation compares with the final unfolding of the mind of
God must be met. It is argued that it is inferior because
it came through an inferior medium. The Hebrew scriptures
might give the impression of being a direct revelation by
God himself on Sinai, but later Jewish thought could not
conceive of the remote heavenly deity making immediate dis
closure of his will; therefore, Judaism came to the posi
tion that its revelation had been mediated by angelic
I messengersThey are obviously inferior to the creative
i
I inheriting Son, His designation is superior to theirs. No^
! angel was ever called **son” or held that lofty position, I
I j
, Proof texts, of doubtful application, are marshalled by the
I I
I author to support the superiority of the Son and the in-
I feriority of the angels. They have never been worshiped
!
I or enthroned as has the Son. The angels are at best but
I servants of God and of the inheritors of salvation.^3
I The accepted dignity of Moses and his place as a
!
medium of divine revelation is next dealt with. But even
Moses at the height of his career can claim to be no more
D. Burton, The Epistle to the Galatians (New
York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1920), p. I89.
_______i^jHebrews 1:5-lü.____
25
than a faithful servant. This is indeed high praise from
the author, hut Moses is definitely and completely inferior
to the Son because a servant in a household can never at
tain the position of the Son of the house. The conclusion
of the matter is that Jesus, the central figure of the
Christian religion, has a revelation as much superior to
earlier revelations as he is a greater medium of disclosure;
* ’ Yet Jesus has been counted worthy of as much more glory
than Moses, as the builder of a house has more honor than
the house.For this author the Son is indisputably the
greater medium of divine revelation,
Christianity the Supreme Access to God
Before the author has reached the end of his first
argument he anticipates the second by mention of Jesus in
Hebrews 3:1 as the "high priest of our religion," A paren-
jthetical discussion upon the Christian inheritance of the
jdivine "rest," and exhortations regarding the duty of
I
iparticipating in it, holds the attention of the writer for
I
!a considerable time. He returns to the second part of his
iargument with the words, "Since then we have a great high
priest who has passed through the heavens, Jesus, the Son
jof God, let us hold fast our confession.
^Hebrews 3:3.
^^Hebrews
26
In discussing the conviction that Christianity's
superiority is attested by the splendor of its access to
God, the writer deals first with the personal qualifica
tions of a priest and reveals that Jesus possessed them as
no other did. He must be able to enter sympathetically
into the weaknesses of those for whom he is to intercede.
This Jesus can do for he has a personal experience of our
infirmities, but he has never yielded to them! The
I priestly office is not one to be claimed and seized, but
I the true priest waits for the call and appointment of God.
IThis qualification Jesus fulfills, for he did not seek a
jpriestly position as a means of self-glorification but re-
iceived a divine appointment. In adducing proof-texts to i
I support this assertion the writer quotes from Psalm 110 j i | . , |
I I
I "Thou art a priest forever as Melchizedek was."^^ j
I
' The introduction of this name brings a third stage
in the presentation of the priesthood of Jesus. After a I
■ i
long interlude of admonition and challenge in Hebrews 5:11- i
I
6:19, the discussion on priesthood is resumed. By a
{species of allegorical interpretation, Melchizedek is made
!to serve the purpose of exalting the priestly position of
|Jesus. The etymologies of his name and his city are used
|to suggest certain characteristics of Jesus, namely.
^^Parsons, op. cit., p. II4-6.
27
righteousness and peace. But the real service that •
Melchizedek serves is in furnishing what is for the author
a proof of the eternality of tne continuity of the priestly
office and function of Jesus. Relying on the fact tnat
nothing is said of the origin or fate of Melchizedek in the
Genesis story^^ ^nd on the phrase, "a priest forever,
the writer uses this shadowy priest-king as a type of the
eternal priesthood of Jesus. He is ready to suggest that
Jesus* priesthood was tne reality and that the priesthood
I of Melchizedek was merely the type. The closing phrase of
I , i
! the parenthesis, "having been made like unto the Son of God,"
lis clear evidence of t h i s I
I I
I The scriptural fact of the Levitical priesthood re-
' mains to be treated by the author. What is the relation
I
: of the priesthood of Jesus to that of the Levites? The
I answer is clear to the writer; that of Jesus is indis-
; putably superior. The argument employed to establish this
I
I view is strange indeed to modem modes of thought. The
, argument in outline follows. Abraham paid tithes to
I Melchizedek, and he in turn placed his priestly blessing
on Abraham. This twofold transaction proved the
17Genesis 11^:17-21^.
^^Psalm 110:l|..
^^Parsons, loc. cit.
""28
superiority of Melchizedek to Abraham for the greater al
ways blesses the lesser. But since Abraham was the
! progenitor of Levi, tne latter existed potentially in
Abraham and shared in the payment of tithes. Therefore,
Levi the priest and the priesthood of his tribe are in
ferior to tne priesthood which is similar to that of
Melchizedek. It is an allegorical interpretation, but it
stands decisive and authoritative in the mind of the
author.
The imperfection of the Levitical priesthood is
shown by the fact that it was superseded by one of another
order, and also by the fact that the real representative
was from the tribe of Judah. The appointment of the
ILevitical priesthood is dismissed by the author as being
iby means of a "legal requirement" while that of Jesus is
' based on the "power of an indestructible life."^! The
I
; basis of the Levitical priesthood was that of tribal rela-
i
,tionship; Jesus has his based in the quality of his own
personality. Here is introduced the distinction between
I "real" and "copy" which is to be employed with regularity
i
I later.
I
i Having established the utter superiority of the
20
Ibid., p. l i ^ - 7
PI
Hebrews 7:16.
29
priestly position of Jesus, there remains the place in
which he exercises his priestly functions and also the
means by which he approaches as intercessor the great and
righteous deity; there remains the question of the sanc
tuary and the sacrifice. The author*s thought is revealed
in the words, "A minister in the sanctuary and the true tent
which is set up not by man but by the L o r d ,"22 ^ brief
reference to the command to Moses in Exodus 25:i|.0 to make
the earthly tabernacle according to the pattern revealed
to him on Sinai, which the author interprets as the real
and perfect, is interrupted by a dissertation on the "new
I covenant." The reference in Jeremiah 31:31 ff. concerning
I
I a new covenant between God and Israel is quoted and inter-
ipreted as proof of the inadequacy of the "old covenant."
IEverything was temporary in the old covenant, the temporary
character of its rites and liturgies is expressed in the
statement that they are "regulations of the body imposed
until the time of reformation."^3 A final declaration of
the supreme quality of the sanctuary in which Jesus, the
true High Priest, functions is made in the words "the
greater and more perfect tabernacle (not made with hands.
^^Hebrews 8:2.
^^Hebrews 9:10.
30
that is, not of this creation) he entered. . .
The writer next turns to the sacrifice, which, in
the heavenly sanctuary, will be efficacious for redemption.
The sacrifice offered in this "true tabernacle" is that of
the priest himself. It is "through his own blood" that he
enters into the "holy place" and secures an "eternal
redemption."25 This declaration is followed by a long
argument in Hebrews 9:13 - 10:18 in which by a fortiori
methods and allegorical interpretations the author proves
the absolute superiority of the sacrifice and liturgy of
I
I the heavenly sanctuary. It will never need to be repeated!
i
i
The author has reached the climax of his argument
for the finality and superiority of the Christian revela-
I tion. It is unified and complete; it has the supreme
j medium, the Son; it has the supreme access to the pardoning
I and redeeming God. There remains nothing but the confident
and courageous acceptance and use of this amazing redemp
tion, The holy place of divine fellowship and participa
tion is now open and the writer urges his hearers to enter
it.
Faith
Faith in Hebrews differs somewhat from the moral
2^Hebrews 9:11.
i
j ^ ^ H e b r e w s 9 : 12 .
31
force which is faith from Paul. Faith is an attitude or
quality of mind, an enlightened insight, which has defi
nite affinities with the Mystery religions. In addition,
the technical language employed by the writer suggests that
he has been strongly influenced by the Mystery religions.
Faith apprehends and participates in the unseen realities
of the eternal order.
Salvation
Salvation, though bearing the traces of Pauline
eschatology, is not so explicitly eschatologieal. There
I is a judgment continually in process. The eternal world
j already exists, and therefore future time is not the main
I consideration. The dimension employed is not so horizontal
, as in Paul, and not so vertical as in the Fourth Gospel,
! but perhaps represents a transition from one to the other.
i
j The writer does, however, retain an eschatological
: !
salvation. "Christ is to appear a second time, not to I
I I
! deal with sin, but to save those who are eagerly waiting
j for him. "26
I
I
j Ethical Teaching
I Sin, to the author, is neglect or indifference to
this supreme revelation. Neglect of "so great a salvation"
^^Hebrews 9:28.
32
closes any way of escape from the punitive judgment of
God. Repudiation of the elemental and essential experi
ences of the Christian life is so shocking a procedure
that he feels that the case of those who fall into such
conduct are beyond redemption.
The doing of God* s will will bring realization of
the promised b l e s s i n g s .26 Peaceful and pure fellowship,
absence of bitterness, brotherly love, hospitality,
I
! sympathetic kindness, obedience to the Christian leaders
! in the community are subjects of the author * s practical
I
i exhortation.
I Christianity is the supreme religion. It is superi-
! or in its revealing medium. It is superior in its most
j intimate access to God. Proof-texts of doubtful applica-
ition designate Jesus as Son, superior to Moses, Aaron,
I the Sanctuary and Law.
; It is only the enlightened mind which apprehends
jthese unseen realities. Faith is participation in the
I existing eternal world. The emphasis in salvation is
I
I especially in the present.
^^Eebrews
28
Hebrews 10:35-36.
33
Sin is neglect ©f the supreme Christian revelation.
Its general ethical character is somewhat lacking.
CHAPTER IV
THE RELIGION OP PAUL
This thesis has suggested that an Alexandrian phi
losophy would be in opposition or antagonistic to the
religion of Paul; an investigation of Paul's gospel is
desirable to test this suggestion.
I The initial problem that the student of Paul faces
lis one of sources. The weight of modern scholarship is to
accept Paul's generally accepted letters as primary sources
I ' 1
I and the book of Acts as a secondary source.
t
I
I I. ENVIRONMENT
There is no direct evidence in Paul's letters to
indicate the place of his birth. There is the traditional
secondary source designating Tarsus in Cilicia as his
■ ■
birthplace.^ It appears reasonable, or at least possible,
'that Tarsus was his birthplace. He was reared in that
IHellenistic environment according to strict Jewish regula-
I
I o
itions.^ He further states that his home was one which was
! ^Donald W. Riddle, Paul, Myi of Conflict (Nashville:
iCokesbury Press, I9I 4 -O) , Introduction.
^Acts 22:3.
•3philippians 3s5j II Corintivians 11:22.
35
of Pharisaic persuasion.^
Pre-Christian Activity
He states his own serious participation in religion
in such words as "I advanced in Judaism beyond many of my
own age among my people so extremely zealous was I for the
traditions of my fathers His loyalty to the Law is
graphically indicated by the phrase, "as to righteousness
under the law, blameless."^ Paul was an ardent religionist
in his pre-Christigua days. It is possible only in this
context to make a proper evaluation of his persecuting
activity. There is no specific statement as to the exact
point or points in the claims of Jesus* followers which
; called forth his vigorous opposition, but it is highly
I probable that he experienced great indignation at the
'proclamation that a crucified evildoer was God's Messiah.7
jPious Jews were not looking for a "defeated" Messiah.6
I
I Secondary evidence has Paul declaring that his motives in
^Ibid.
^Galatians 1:11^..
^Philippians 3:6.
^E. W. Parsons, The Religion of the Hew Testament
(Hew York: Harper and Brothers, 1939T7 p. 65.
^E. K. Mould, Essentials of Bible History (New York:
Ronald Press Company, 1951 ) > P P .
36
persecution were above reproach.^
This Hellenistic Jew, though exposed no doubt to a
considerable degree of Greek culture, was conditioned to
moral discipline "according to Law" rather than "absorption
into the ideal." It appears, however, that Paul's rigid
obedience and discipline brought him little or no peace of
mind. This sense of frustration may have been a major
factor in his persecuting activity.
It is possible that he saw In some of those whom he
persecuted a peace and calm that challenged his soul. It
I
! is also possible that this inner conflict continued and
I grew until it came to fruition in his conversion experi-
i
|ence.^*^ It appears that Paul came to the conclusion that
^Jesus of Nazareth was God's Messiah, and that all Judaism
* - -in I
I was fulfilled in this same Jesus.
I I
I This experience was so self validating that he laterj
i spoke of it as a resurrection appearance.It would be j
I wrong to speak of this experience as a moral transformationi
i I
I a change from vice to virtue: Paul's own statements for-
I bid such a conclusion. The central constituent in the
^Acts 26:9.
l^Acts 9:3-9; 22:3-21; 26:12-23.
^^John Knox, Chapters In A Life of Paul (Hew York:
Abingdon-Cokesbury Pre ss, 195^ # TI5T"
^^I Corinthians 15:8.
r '37”
experience was an apprehension or conviction about Jesus
of Nazareth.,
Paul was a Jew of the Diaspora. Hellenistic influ
ences must have been a part of the culture of his early
life. He, too, shows an interest in the Mystery religions
in which the initiates were brought into essential contact
with deity and shared in the nature of the God.^^ Paul
was a mystic; his mysticism was more of ethical enthusiasm
than aesthetic intoxication, one that affirmed personality
! rather than denied it. In communion with Christ he found
I
; communion with God. He was not deified or transformed into
I spirit. He did not become Christ. He felt himself to be
I
one who possessed Christ, a Christ-bearer.^5 Paul remained
more essentially Jewish in his religion and in his adapting
I of Hellenistic or extra-Jewish thought than the author of
'Hebrews.
! II. MESSAGE
' It is important for the purpose of this study to
I
I look at and to list some of the essential features in
3:27.
^3parsons, cit., p. 69.
^Romans 13;l i ^ . ; I Corinthians 15:53“5^; Galatians
^^G. A. Deissmann, Paul: A Study in Social and Re
ligious History (New York: George H. Doran CompanyV Ï9^) »
pV 152.
Paul* s religion.
Need of Redemption
Paul was persuaded that all men needed redemption,
God was holy and righteous and all men were deliberate sin
ners. All men had deliberately failed to do the things
they should have done. Therefore, all mankind has in
curred guilt and merited condemnation. This condemnation
will be executed eschatologieally; the wrath of God is con-
I n .
j nected with the end of the present age.-^f The whole of
I mankind, both Jew and Gentile, are in desperate need of re-1
I i
j demption. Romans forcibly presents this teaching of Paul.
'Redemptive Process
; Paul calls this justification by faith,^6 %t is a
triple process in which God has a part, Jesus has a part,
and man has a part.
I
God's part. Paul presents this as God having pro
vided a new basis upon which man can be accepted.^9 Works,
] I
! or man's performance of right-doing, have failed. God bothi
I - !
provides and accepts a substitute for man, satisfying j
I justice and allowing God's character of love and mercy to |
! stand out the more clear and d e f i n i t e , i
^^Romans 3:9-19.
Par8on8, cit,, p. 73.
^^Romans 3:22; 5:1; Galatians 3:6-9.
^^Romans 3:21-22.
^^Parsons, o£. cit., p. 77*
39
Jesus' part. Jesus' part in this redemptive process
is to enter human history and die.^^ He became voluntarily
the substitute. Paul describes Jesus' death variously as
vicarious, as a ransom, as a propitiation, as a penal
substitution, as an establishing of God's love.22 Two
facts emerge from this gathering of statements from Paul
relative to the death of Jesus. The first is the apparent
variety of the explanations. There is, at least on the
surface, no single explanation which can be taken as the
Ione Pauline interpretation of the death. The other fact
j
lis that Paul derives his explanations of the death from
Ithe Jewish sacrificial system.^3 Paul's presentation of
I .
Ithe death of Jesus is complex, but it remains central.
i
Jesus was Messiah! This was the central element in
[Paul's thought. He was the pre-existent, transcendental
'Messiah.The work of Paul was largely in the Hellenistic
world; therefore he used the term Son or Son of God as
equivalent to Messiah. However, the term Son is found in
ilate Jewish literature.
^^Philippians 2:5-8.
I ^^Galatians 1:3 - l j . ; I Corinthians 6:19; Romans 3:21-26;
jGalatians 3:13; Romans 5:6.
I po
•^Parsons, cit., p. 8l.
' ^^Philippians 2:5-6; II Corinthians 8:9;
Colossians 1:13-15.
4.0
Paul expanded the Messianic function of Jesus to
include that of creative intermediary.^5
Man»8 part. Man's function is to exercise faith.
Faith, for Paul, is the new basis upon which men can stand
justified before God. Faith is "faith in" or "faith on";
it is confident trust in God's and Jesus* part in the
redemptive p r o c e s s.26
Justification by faith. The immediate result of
this threefold action is justification. It means the
recognition, with the accompanying pronouncement, and the
I,
. acceptance of a person as righteous. It is the pronounce-
I
I ment that a new relationship exists between God and the
I
i one justified. He is no longer under punitive wrath and
I condemnation, but is pardoned and accepted. Justification,
,to Paul, is always a matter of relationship rather than
! actual attainment according to the standard,
i
I The frequent and consistent distinction which Paul
I
used between "justification by law" and "justification by
I faith" becomes clear; in each case the justification is
; approval by God. In the first case, the basis is actual
I
I obedience to all the commandments of Law; in the second.
^^Colossians 1:16.
26
Romans 1:16-1?.
41
the basis is the attitude of faith. No one has achieved
"justification by law"; therefore as a basis of divine
approval it is inadequate and u s e l e s s . 27
Salvation
This is not to be confused with justification.
Justification takes place immediately upon the exercise of
faith. Salvation is eschatological and belongs to the
future. Not until the appearance of the Messiah at the end
of the age will salvation be attained,Salvation is
assured for those who continue in "justification by faith,"
but it is to be accomplished in the future.^9
New divine powers are at work in all who place their
faith in Jesus Christ.3^ These new powers will help the
Christian to overcome moral lack, and also to overcome the |
present evil powers operating in this age. The virtues !
I
and habits which are being formed by cooperation with these*
on I
divine powers are "fruit of the spirit."^ Those who are '
I
mystically joined to Christ in faith share in victory over |
27Romans 3 :9 -2 0 .
26Romans 1 3 :1 1 ; Philippians 2 :1 2 ,
Corinthians 1 5 :2 5 ; Romans 1 3 :1 1 .
^^Romans 7:24-25; Philippians 4:13.
3^Galatians 5 :2 2 -2 3 *
42“
e v e r y e n e m y .32
III. SUMMARY
This statement suggests, in general, the religion
of Paul. It should not be necessary to place in detailed
contrast the religion of Philo Judaeus of Alexandria. Paul
was essentially Jewish in thought; he generally adapted
Hellenistic patterns to Hebrew thought-forms. Philo was
essentially Greek in thought; he generally adapted Hebrew
patterns to Greek thought-forms. This is an over-simplifi
cation, but is suggestive of basic directions.
3^Ephesians 6:12
CHAPTER ¥
THE CONFLICT AT CORINTH
I. INTRODUCTION
This study assumes that the "party problem" in the
Corinthian church was a reality and not merely a literary
device.1 The conflict in the Corinthian church must be
viewed in the context of the history and culture of
Corinth.
Corinth
The name Corinth (Korinthos) means "ornament." It
was a celebrated city of the Peloponnesus, capital of
Corinthia, which lay north of Argolis, and with the
isthmus, joined the peninsula to the mainland, Corinth
had three excellent harbors. Lechaeurn on the Corinthian
Gulf, and Cenchrese and Schoenus on the Saronlc Gulf; it
thus commanded the traffic of both the eastern and western
seasSmaller vessels were taken across the isthmus by
means of a ship tramway with wooden rails.
1l . Pherigo, "Rival Leadership in Corinth," The
Journal of Bible and Religion, XIX (October, 1951) j P. 198.
^A. Robertson, First Epistle of St. Paul to the
Corinthians (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, TÇlî),
pT" XI IT
44
The Phoenicians, who settled there very early, left
many traces of their civilization in the industrial arts
such as dyeing and weaving, as well as in their religion
and mythology. The Corinthian cults of Aphrodite, of
Melihertes, and of Astarte are of Phoenician o r i g i n . 3
The Corinthians prided themselves in surpassing the
other Greeks in the adornment of their temples and in the
embellishment of their city. It was here that the "hymn
I
jto Dionysus" was first arranged artistically to be sung by
I
ta chorus. The Isthmian games, held every two years, were
I celebrated just outside the city on the isthmus near the
Saronlc Gulf.
The first Greek ships of war were built in Corinth
in 664 B.C. In those early days Corinth held a leading
position among the Greek cities; but in consequence of her
: great material prosperity she would not risk all, as Athens
did, to win "eternal" supremacy over men. However, as
Athens, Thebes, Sparta, and Argos were destroyed, Corinth
I came to the front again as the wealthiest and most important
i
I city in Greecei When it was destroyed by Mummius in 146
I
B.C., the treasures of art carried to Rome were as great as
; those of Athens. Julius Caesar restored Corinth a century
I
Hater in 46 B.C., and it grew so rapidly that the Roman
^James Moffatt, The First Epistle of Paul to the
Corinthians (New York: Harper and Brothers, Î93^) , p. xvii.
colony soon became again one of tbe most prominent centers
in Greece.
It had great popularity as a resort. An ancient
proverb ran: "It is not given everyone to visit Corinth."
This was originally a sigh of envy or satisfaction among
sailors. Mot every captain or sailor was "lucky" enough
to be sent to Corinth with its provision of harlots par
multiplicus! By the time of Paul* s visit to Corinth, the
I temple of Aphrodite had not yet been re-erected, but the
cult flourished around the docks and in several of the
shrines. Love and licentiousness formed an alloy, which,
like the equally famous Corinthian bronze, was exported
as well as enjoyed locally. Every Greek knew what a
"Corinthian girl" meant. Thousands of the citizens wor
shiped Aphrodite as the goddess of common, not celestial,
love.
There were many sacred feasts and festivals; augurs, !
!
flamens, and other officials were responsible for arranging
these imperial celebrations which were so popular that
jsome of the early Christians were saddened by Paul* s com
mand to refrain from such activity.^
I The Corinthians were also devoted to the bloody
i games of the amphitheatre; one of the more favorite days
Corinthians 8:10-13.
I j . 6
was a "doable feature"--the matinee, condemned criminals
fighting wild beasts, and the main attraction, "hero"
gladiators in mortal combat. Many stone amphitheatres were
Î erected for this pastime.
Organized worship of the emperor had recently become
popular. The city had a strong Latin spirit demonstrated
jby its inscriptions, and Latin was the official language
i of the governing authorities .5 With such a strong Roman
I tradition it is no wonder that Christians who had been
j expelled from Rome, like Aquila and Priscilla, should
I settle at Corinth, where so much was in common with the
I capital.
I
' II. THE CHCRCH
Apparently the bulk of the church membership was
!
: drawn from the lower classes, the dockyards, potteries and
brass foundries, shopkeepers, bakers, brokers, and stray
t
I waifs from the "other side of the tracks" in Corinth. The
I " A
I membership included slaves as well as freemen;^ however,
I slaves were not necessarily menial drudges. As a prisoner
of war, for example, a slave might be better born and more
highly educated than his master or mistress. While not
^offatt, cit., p. xix,
^I Corinthians 12:13.
I _
many intellectuals or leading citizens probably belonged
to the Christian community at the start,? it is remarkable
that some of the questions raised by the church imply free-
born citizens of social position, people who frequented
law courts and private banquetsThe moral situations
raised by marriage also refer to the free-born, for slaves
possessed few rights in this area.9 Paul does discuss the
position of the Christian slave,but, on the whole, the
problems seem to be among the free-born and householders.
; No doubt Paul welcomed the support of business people and
: the better educated such as Crispus, Gaius, Stephanas,
! Titus Justus, and a municipal official like Erastas, as
: well as women of social position like Chloe and Phoebe, in
' dealing with church business and church problems. It is
i
i also possible that some Roman Christians of experience
I . _ '
had accompanied Aquila and his wife to Corinth, where they,
I too, might rally to the side of Paul.^^
I In the religious societies, or associations, called
I collegia tenuiorum, slaves had opportunities of social
?I Corinthians 1:26.
^I Corinthians 6:1, 7.
^I Corinthians 7*10-13"
^^I Corinthians 7*21-22.
l^Moffatt, gg. cit., p. xx.
w
fellowship with fellow slaves, and even with the free-born.
They might also belong to confraternities or private re
ligious associations, where they dined together, held
funerals, and enjoyed common ties under the aegis of some
jforeign god or goddess. The eastern cult of Isis was very
I popular, and women enjoyed a sort of religious equality
I
with men, which was not extended by the Synagogue.There
are even cases of slaves, both male and female, acting as
!
I priests and priestesses in their spare time.
I The sole trace of social distinctions occurred in
i
I worship. It does not seem to nave been especially con-
j nected with any of the "parties" in the church. But the
i re-union of the love feast, by its very form of social
intercourse at the table, had fostered some class feellngl
I
Evidently there was a tendency on the part of some of the
"higher class" members to draw apart from their humbler
, fellow Christians.^3 Suburbanites did not always easily j
: mix with potters or ragged boatsmen or slaves.
j III. THE CORINTHIAN CORRESPONDENCE
; Moffatt suggests that the entire Corinthian corre-
I spondence came from the mind of Paul except a marginal
12% Corinthians 11:16.
^3i Corinthians 11:17-22.
i|_9
note In I Corinthians l5*56, and a brief paragraph in
I Corinthians 33-36.^ It is not so definite, however,
that the writings, as recorded in the Corinthian letters,
corresponds to the form in which they were received by the
church. There is reason to believe that I Corinthians may
have been editorially arranged from some earlier corre
spondence.^^ It cannot be denied that more than once the
text has the appearance of being broken, as though some
thing were left out. Different situations have been
I suspected in I Corinthians i|:l8 f. and in I Corinthians
i
|16:5 f., also in I Corinthians 1:10 f, and 11:l8 f, Diffi-
!
culties have been felt about the connection or the lack of
I
; connection between certain sections; thus I Corinthians 9
: might stand apart, or it might follow I Corinthians li+:21
or I Corinthians 10:22 as a parenthesis. Knox suggests
i that the compiler of Paul*s letters gathered together
material from perhaps four letters to the Corinthian church
to make I and II CorinthiansOf all the letters of Paul
jthe Corinthian correspondence has been most consistently
I
I accepted as being authentic.
: "^^offatt, cit., p. xxiv.
I ^ ^ I b l d .
; l6john Knox, Chapters in a Life of Paul (New York:
j Abingdon-Cokesbury Press, 195^,^P. Id.
50
A Preview
The following arrangement of events has been ac
cepted as a chronological basis for this study. There are
differences of opinion among scholars as to exact dating,
but the sequence of events is generally accepted.1? The
strong probability is that an interval of less than a year
separated both parts of the second letter from the first.
1. Paul leaves Athens, visits Corinth, and founds
the church. The visit lasted a year and a half.
Date: Spring of A.D, $1 (Acts 26:1 f.).
2. Paul leaves Corinth and settles in Ephesus
(Acts 18:16 f.).
3. Apollo8 arrives at Ephesus and departs for
Corinth. Date: Fall of A.D. $2 (Acts 18:2^. -
19:1).
4. Paul sends a letter, now lost; II Corinthians
6:11). - 7:1 may be a fragment of it. Titus is
the bearer ( I Corinthians 5:9) •
5. Members of Chloe*s household bring report of
divisions at Corinth. This study purports to
present evidence that the central division was
an Apollos* party, representing an Alexandrian
religious perspective (I Corinthians 1:11).
6. A letter from Corinth reaches Paul, requesting
his ruling and guideuace on certain points af
fecting the ordering of worship and relation
ships with pagans (I Corinthians 7:1).
7. In reply, Paul writes I Corinthians at or near
Easter of A.D, 53- Titus and another are
bearers. Titus returns to Ephesus (I Corin
thians 16:8).
^?R. H. Strachan, The Second Epistle of Paul to the
j Corinthians (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1939)$
I p. xxix.
51
8. Timothy is sent to Corinth, after dispatch of
I Corinthians, on a special mission (I Corin
thians .
9. Meantime, a very serious crisis arises in
Corinth, fomented by the arrival of new strength
for the Apollos party. Paul's authority is
defied (II Corinthians 10:1 - 13:10). Timothy,
on arrival, finds this situation and is quite
unable to deal with it. He returns with bad
news to Ephesus.
10. On receiving Timothy's report, Paul pays a
brief visit to Corinth, in order to deal with
the emergency in person. This is the painful
visit (II Corinthians 2:1). He is compelled
after a distressing experience, to return to
Ephesus.
11. Paul writes, and sends by Titus to Corinth, a
letter of severe castigation and remonstrance
(II Corinthians 2 : 1 ) . ) . A considerable portion
of this letter is preserved (II Corinthians
10:1 - 13:10). Titus is instructed to meet
Paul at Troas.
12. According to the outlined plan (I Corinthians
16:5 f•)> Paul leaves Ephesus for Macedonia,
probably visiting the churches of the Lycus
Valley on his way. He reaches Troas and fails
to find Titus. He leaves Troas for Neapolis,
the port of Philippi, in order to meet Titus
on his way (II Corinthians 2:12 f.).
13. Paul meets Titus, and receives a most encourag
ing report. The crisis is at an end (II Gorin- |
thians 7:6-16). j
l i ) . . Paul writes II Corinthians 1-9 and sends it I
from Macedonia by Titus, accompanied by two J
others. |
15. Paul reaches Corinth; according to Acts 20:3, |
he remained there three months. The fact that j
he was planning to leave for Syria, i.e., at a I
time when the long voyage was possible, would I
indicate that he came to Corinth about November,!
A.D. I
The actual dates are somewhat conjectural. The I
--------
important thing is the realization that the Corinthian
letters were written in the same year, and that most of
the events took place shortly before Easter and late
autumn.
IV. APOLLOS
The information about Apollos leaves much to be de
sired, His name is mentioned ten times in the New Testa
ment, and seven of these references are in I Corinthians.
The brief background concerning Apollos comes from the Acts
of the Apostles, which is a secondary source for the life
of Paul. The final reference is in Titus,generally
accepted as a second-century document; therefore, this
final reference is of no value to the present study.
The initial reference to Apollos has already been
quoted in Chapter I.^*^ This first reference is in the
setting of Corinthian divisions, and is said to involve
four factions in the church--Paul, Apollos, Cephas, and
Christ.
The second reference to Apollos is in the context
of Paul's evaluation of the Corinthians as spiritual babies
because of their factions; it is important to note that
itus 3:13.
^^Supra, p. 1.
53
only the names of Paul and Apollos are recorded in this
passage.20
The next two references closely follow the second,
and are in the context of Paul's illustration concerning
the work of himself and Apollos. This illustration is
agricultural, with Paul as planter, Apollos as waterer,
and God as the true source of growth. Only the names of
IPaul and Apollos appear in the third and fourth refer-
! 21
jences
j Reference five is also in the third chapter,22 and
lit somewhat echoes the contrast between human wisdom and
i
jGod's revelation in Christ, which is dealt with at length
I in I Corinthians 1:17-31. This fifth passage is definitely
I in the context of a Paul-Apollos party problem, but also
includes the name of Cephas. These three names are in con
trast with the centrality and surpassing value of God's
{revelation in Christ.
The sixth reference follows closely in a similar
context. The figure employed suggests that Paul and
i
|Apollos are but stewards in the household of God; it re
veals the danger of premature judgments. It is this
Ipassage which has caused some to conclude that the factions
^^I Corinthians 3:4*
^^I Corinthians 3:5; 3:6.
I Corinthians 3:22.
5k
in the church did not include a Paul-Apollos controversy.23
The seventh reference is in the last chapter of
I Corinthians, and is in the context of closing salutations,
It suggests that Paul wished Apollos to revisit Corinth,
but that Apollos was of a different p e r s u a s i o n . 24 This
passage may indicate that the chief problem in the Paul and
Apollos factions was within the factions themselves, and
not with the leaders. This passage should invalidate the
argument that other factions were central in Corinth rather
than the Paul and Apollos groups, and that Paul used his
good friend, Apollos, as an illustration in reaching the
disaffected groups without directly refuting them. This
position is inconceivable in the light of Apollos* refusal
-
to revisit Corinth.
The last two references are found in Acts; this
passage will be cited in full:
Now a Jew named Apollos, a native of Alexandria,
came to Ephesus. He was an eloquent man, well versed
in the scriptures. He had been instructed in the way
of the Lord; and being fervent in spirit, he spoke and
taught accurately the things concerning Jesus, though
he knew only the baptism of John. He began to speak
boldly in the synagogue; but when Priscilla and Aquila
heard him, they took him and expounded to him the way
of God more accurately. And when he wished to cross
to Aehaia, the brethren encouraged him, and wrote
to the disciples to receive him. When he arrived.
^^I Corinthians 4*6.
24i Corinthians 16:12
55
he greatly helped those who through grace had believed,
for he powerfully confuted the Jews in public, showing
by the scriptures that the Christ was Jesus.
While Apollos was at Corinth, Paul passed through
the upper country and came to Ephesus.25
This passage indicates that Apollos was a Jew, an Alexan
drian Jew, an eloquent Alexandrian Jew, well versed in the
scriptures. Further, he had been baptized in the messianic
announcement of John the Baptist, and that he taught
accurately concerning Jesus. He is also presented as
possessing a humble attitude, i.e., he was willing to re-
jceive instruction from some laymen. Apollos travelled to
ICorinth and became a powerful, effective Christian preacher,
IPerhaps so powerful that he attracted a large following
I in the church who were disposed to play their man against
f
! Paul. He apparently left Corinth and was not eager to
I
‘return, though encouraged to do so by Paul. This may
t
; indicate that Apollos was aware of the faction that chose
I
I him as leader, and that he was not pleased with their
i choice.
i
I V. FACTIONS
I
'Introduction
I According to Moffatt, Paul reached Corinth about
j A.D. 50 and spent about eighteen months working and
^^Acts 18:24. - 14:1.
L
■ “561
I preaching in that cosmopolitan city.2^ Paul left Corinth
late in A.D. or early in A.D. $2, and went to Ephesus
with Priscilla and Aquila; he left his companions in
Ephesus and travelled to Jerusalem alone.27 Prom Jerusalem
he returned to Syrian Antioch and travelled through Galatia
and Phrygia,2Ô and then to Ephesus.29 The events of the
interim between his departure from Corinth and his return
to Ephesus probably required the whole of the year
A.D. 52.30 Barnett's chronology, which is in substantial
agreement with that of Moffatt, has the Corinthian corre
spondence falling between the winter of A.D. 53 and the
autumn of A.D. 55.
During the first year, or early in the second year
i of his stay in Ephesus, news reached Paul that the Cor in- |
I
Ithians were troubled about proper relations with their ;
I ■ I
; unconverted neighbors. Paul responded with the latter |
I mentioned in I Corinthians 5:9» a fragment of which prob- |
I I
I ably is preserved in II Corinthians 6:14 - 7:1.3^
j 26j.^Q|»floc. cit.
j ^ ' ^ A c t s 18:16-21.
I 2 0 ^ c ts 1 8 :2 2 -2 3 .
I ^^Aota 1 9 :1 .
I Barnett, The New Testament its Making and Mean-
Iing (New York: Abingdon-Cokesbury Press, 1946), pT*30.
I 31%Bid., p. 51.
57
Corinthian Christians, in Ephesus on business or
especially sent for conference with P a u l ,32 kept him in
formed about the church and the factional problem. Paul
sent Timothy by way of Macedonia to Corinth. 33 Hardly had
Timothy started by this longer route when a letter requiring
an immediate answer arrived from Corinth.34 Paul at once
wrote the letter known as I Corinthians and dispatched it;
he states that he wrote the letter just before Pentecost,35
which means May or earlier.
Paul deals in I Corinthians with the questions asked
by the Corinthians in their correspondence. These ques
tions included marriage, meat offered to idols, and
spiritual g i f t s .36 He also deals with problems that he
|had received information on from other sources. These in
cluded the factions, the case of incest, the lawsuits, the
Ifree customs of women, the abuse connected with the Love
Feast, and the denial of the r e s u r r e c t i o n . 37
32% Corinthians 1:11.
33% Corinthians 4:i?.
34J Corinthians 7:1.
I 35J Corinthians 16:9.
I Corinthians 7:1 f.; 8:1 f.; 12:1 f.
I 3?h^ A. W. Meyer, Critical and Exegetical Handbook
ito the Epistles to the Corinthians (New York: Punk, lb84) .
_ ^
I - - - - ■ ■ - 581
i
I i Corinthians 1-4
I Paul's customary Introduction in I Corinthians
1:1-9 is in reality a brief presentation of his gospel,
especially emphasizing his own apostolic authority,
"called by the will of God to be an apostle of Jesus
Christ."36
I He launches into the factional problem in I Corin-
I
! thians 1:10 and does not leave it until the fifth chapter*
jPaul's expressed desire is for common participation in
I Christ, "united in the same mind and the same judgment."39
I Instead of discussing the respective claims of the cliques,
; Paul speaks to their common error.
These differences of opinion and taste, treating
I
apostles and teachers as though they were rival lecturers |
or popular actors, takes men's attention from their common ;
I
Lord and rouses undue pride in human leaders and preachers.
This rivalry sets Christians "on guard," and ignores the j
fact that all the different capacities of prominent men |
I are so many varieties and organs of the one life which God j
^has provided for the church in Jesus Christ. Eight times |
^ !
iin this opening passage, Paul echoes the name of Jesus j
I I
1 Christ as the Lord whom God has made all in all for
36j Corinthians 1:1.
39% Corinthians 1:10.
59
everyone in the Christian fellowship.^'^
The factiousness which had been the curse of the
Greek democracy had made its way into the Corinthian
church; in fact, Paul employs two phrases current in
Greek political and social thought as he appeals for
harmony. "To drop these party cries" and "to regain unity"
had been used by Aristotle, Herodotus, and Thucydides in
demanding agreement and the settling of differences between
disjointed partisans in public life.4l
j There are four names mentioned--Paul, Apollos,
i
! Cephas, and Christ. These names are used in the context
i
iof competing factions.
I A Cephas party would undoubtedly represent a more
conservative, Palestinian Judaistic gospel, which might
challenge the validity of Paul's apostleship and gospel.
The absence of specific statements of refutation, similar
: to the Galatian "explosion" of Paul,^2 might indicate that
the Cephas faction was purely a literary device, or that
I
it did not figure in any dominant way in the controversy.
I A Christ party might be a group of ultra-spiritual
I devotees, or gnostics, who made a mystical Christ the
^%off att, o£. Git., p. 8.
p. 9.
^^Galatlans 1:11-12; 2:1-24,
r " "" ' " 60
essence of r e l i g i o n . 4 3 Such a group might be dominant in
"uttering mysteries in the S p i r i t " ; ^ 4 this would be an
inclination to go to extremes in the area of emotional
!
I expression. There does not appear to be any direct refu-
jtation of a Christ faction in this section; therefore, it
is also doubtful tnat this faction, if it did actually
exist, played a major role in the over-all problem.
The characteristics of an Apollos faction have al
ready been suggested. It might represent an Alexandrian
variety of Christianity, emphasizing philosophy, and human |
! !
I wisdom. Much of the remainder of this study will deal with |
’ the thesis that an Apollos faction was the dominant group |
|in opposition to the authority of Paul in Corinth. I
I
I There is little doubt that Paul had a strong follow-
jing in the Corinthian church. His religion, or gospel,
has already been traced in Chapter IV. It would be a biased
I
iview to assume that all of Paul's followers were noble and
true and that all other groups or individuals were ignoble
land false. It is quite possible that some of the followers i
I , J
;of Paul were exploiting his teaching on Christian liberty,
I :
thus fomenting division with their more conservative
^3Meyer, 0£. cit., p. 23.
^ I Corinthians 14:2.
Corinthians 8:9-13; 9:19-27; 10:23 - 11:1
I_ _
61
brethren. It is also possible that some of Paul's follow
ers were overly defensive in their loyalty to Paul,
stifling liberty, thus fomenting division with their more
liberal brethren.
Detailed refutation. Paul exercises tact by be
ginning his refutation of the factions in the Corinthian
church with his own following.He did not preach a
j"crucified" Paul as Messiahl He did not baptize much in
! Corinth, and he is glad. He did not spend his time manu-
1
Ifacturing "carbon copy" Pauls.
I
I It seems probable that the Apollos faction receives
I a continuing refutation beginning in I Corinthians 1:1?.
! Paul states that he has been sent to preach the gospel not
,in wisdom of words or in high sounding rhetoricI He does
not wish to rob the cross of its central place and power%
It is quite possible that the Apollos faction had criti
cized Paul's gospel and preaching as not being advanced;
I it lacked wisdom in the sense of a speculative, philosophi-
ical exposition of the faith.47
I Paul's method of refutation is brilliant. By the
i
I use of paradox and antithesis he presents his gospel,
jChrist crucified, as the one true wisdom of God, though
46i Corinthians 1:13.
4 7 ^ e y e r , loc. cit.
I 62
all the world, both Jew and Greek, should call It folly.
His point of emphasis is directed more against the Greek
! than the Jew if his citation in I Corinthians 1:19 is
indicative of his purpose. The "Greek" would represent
the Apollos faction's emphasis upon knowledge and philos
ophy.
He proceeds to contrast the gospel of a crucified
and risen Christ with the wisdom of the contemporary reli
gious world which sneered at such "inferior" revelation.
He indicates that the cross of Christ possesses a wisdom
I
* of its own, an inherent range of deeper truth.50
I The phrase "wisdom of words"5i is the first time
I that the word "wisdom" is used in the writings of Paul:
I the reference is to Greek sophistry and eloquence which
! was already felt to be unfruitful by many serious Greeks.
,Paul will return to the manner of speech in I Corinthians
: 2:1; he will now direct himself to the content of the
alleged advanced wisdom. He indicates that a studied
! message of speculative philosophy would rob the cross of
I Corinthians 1:18-19.
49
Meyer, cit., p. 26.
^^A. R. Robertson, First Epistle of Paul to the
Corinthians (New York: Charles Scribner and Sons, 19ÏÎ),
pT 17.
51
I Corinthians 1:17.
63
Christ of its meaning and f o r c e , 52 The cross may be
called "sheer folly" by this "ultra-wise" faction who see
no rationale in it, but it is the wisdom of God, far sur
passing the wisdom of man. Paul further indicates that
this "wisdom" of the cross is the real saving power in
men's l i v e s .53 The cross is also evidence that God has
stamped the wisdom quest of men as futile. It was God who
took action; God resolved to reveal to these professional
experts what true religion was.54
In I Corinthians 1:15 - 3*20, Paul uses many refer
ences to scripture in order to "clinch" his argument
against the inadequacy of human wisdom. Tne modern reader
needs to remember that Scripture was the final word of
authority to Paul and the early Christian church. Paul re
calls phrases from both the Law and the Hagiographa which
strengthen his position.55 it is possible that such com
posite citations may have been drawn from a catena or
source book, compiled in order to meet the needs of
56
52Moffatt, og. cit., p. 14#
53i Corinthians 1:24#
5^Meyer, op. cit., p. 1?.
^5Moffatt, o£. cit., p. 17.
56ibid., p. 18.
J
! 64
I . Paul ends tiie first chapter with a long sentence
which has echoes of Jeremiah 9*23 f. The rhythm of this
passage sweeps three special classes together--intellec
tuals, men of influence and power, and men of noble birth
and social position;57 not many of such comprise the church,
He states that the church is comprised of the "low" and
j " despised" and even of "non-entities."56 Paul uses a
jphilosophical term for "non-entities," perhaps indicating
I that the Apollos faction had used this term to describe
IPaul.
I The highest wisdom for man is not intellectual
I knowledge, but real life, which is experienced only in
personal fellowship with Jesus Christ. Christian wisdom
is not information about Christ, but living in him. Paul
defines wisdom in terms of religious experience, past,
I
! present, and f u t u r e . 59
I
Paul continues his "exposition" of the "true wis-
' dom" to which the Corinthians owed their very existence
; by recalling negatively, I Corinthians 2:1-3, and posi-
I tively, in verses four and five, how this "true wisdom"
! had been brought to Corinth.
57I Corinthians 1:26-31.
5^1 Corinthians 1:20.
5%offatt, cit., p. 21
65
When I came to you, brethren, I did not come pro
claiming to you the testimony of God in lofty words
of wisdom. For I decided to know nothing among you
except Jesus Christ and him crucified. And I was
with you in weakness and in much fear and trembling;
and my speech and my message were not in plausible
words of wisdom, but in demonstration of the Spirit
and power, that your faith might not rest in the wis
dom of men but in the power of God.
This again appears to be a direct refutation of the Apollos
party, the party of Alexandrian wisdom.
Paul had avoided a display of rhetoric to which the
Greeks were so accustomed.Rhetoric had become an em
piric method of amusing audiences with sonorous or flippant
discussions on art, morals, or literature, which had little
Igrasp upon reality. The new Cynics and the more serious
I
iStoics derided it as they derided the so-called wise men
Iwho lectured on "What is proof?," "Is _it permissible to
imarry?," "Is it permissible to commit suicide?," using
catchy phrases and polished sentences. "Not so did I,"
states Paul, with a thrust at Christian teachers or groups
!
;Who, in his judgment, were using the same flowery, subli
mated philosophy as the "shallow" Sophists.
' Paul now turns from the aspect of power to the
aspect of wisdom in the gospel. I Corinthians 2:6-16 is
a finished piece of exposition on the source, content, and
conditions of real religious wisdom for the Corinthians.
^Qjbld.. p. 22.
Robertson, 0£. cit.. p. 33.
66
It continues the same argument and appears to be a direct
refutation of the Apollos party.
Paul's message has a wisdom of its own, but it does
not belong to this present age; it is a secret wisdom of
God, revealed by God's decree. It can be discussed only
with Christians fully initiated into this revelation,62 xt
is a reply to his critics at Corinth which is at the same
time a counter-attack.
Some of his critics have apparently claimed to be
"mature" in the Hellenistic sense of the term,63 so men
tally equipped by their religious philosophy and mystical
I enthusiasm that they possessed a real knowledge of things
jdivine, past, present, and future. This "maturity" made
; them free to discard certain elemental moral restrictions
which they regarded for the immature.64 All of this will
I
emerge more fully as Paul proceeds with his refutation.
For the moment he emphasizes again the specific character !
of his gospel as the one revelation on God's secret wisdom j
with its unparalleled cosmic s c o p e .65 Paul intended the |
; Corinthians to take him seriously; this cosmic belief in |
i
Jesus as Lord involved what we today might describe as a '
62Moffatt, o£, cit,, p. 25-
63i Corinthians 2:6.
64noffatt, o£. cit., p. 26.
65% Corinthians 2:10.
67
philosophy of the world-order. It implied a unique out
look upon the past, present, and future of the universe.
The exact word that Paul used in I Corinthians 2:6 for
"mature" was teleios; it was current in mystical circles
of Hellenistic religion as a term for those whose minds
were keyed to the inward knowledge of deity. In Philo, as
in the cults, it also denoted those who were i n i t i a t e d .66
It is probable that this word had also been used by the
Apollos faction either as a claim for themselves or as a
charge against Paul's lack of teleios.
I The climax of this part of Paul's refutation is in
\
II Corinthians 2:13-16. This is an epigram familiar to the
I Greeks, to their ideal of the good, sound:, man who alone
ipossesses the true standards of life. The man who is
I
merely clever and cunning, as Plato taught in the Republic,i
I * ■
cannot recognize soundness of character, since he has
j no pattern of honesty within himself. Vice knows
vice, but it cannot know virtue too, whereas virtue
I in an educated nature learns in process of time to
I know both itself and vice as well. It is the good
I man, not the bad, who is wise in reading human life.^'
I Paul is not claiming that the true believer is above
I
c r i t i c i s m .66 He often speaks of believers helping one
another by thoughtful criticism. This freedom of being
66Robertson, og. cit., p. 36.
^^Moffatt, o£. cit., p. 34.
^^I Corinthians 2:14.
68
judged appears to be aimed at his critics,69 Repeatedly,
through these chapters, Paul's criticism is aimed at the
Apollos faction. This particular argument closes with a
covert insinuation that the Apollos party has signally
failed to see that Paul has the very mind of Christ. This
claim of Paul to the one true interpretation of the gospel
left the Apollos faction in the uncomfortable position of
trying to "instruct Christ."7^
In chapter three, Paul explains or rationalizes why
he could not address the Corinthians as spiritual men, why
I he had to leave some of the work to others. He explains
: his method of procedure among them in I Corinthians 3:1-8,
i
I next he gives a grave warning to those who are presently
i
I working in Corinth, in I Corinthians 3:9-1?. He insists
: that their teaching must be within the foundation of his
; gospel or face God's judgment. He concludes this section,
I I Corinthians 3:16-23, by again warning the self-styled
I wise to seek the true wisdom gind not boast of men.
In the first section Paul suggests that those who
criticize him are men of the flesh, or at best " b a b e s . "71
The figure, babes, was familiar in the ancient world;
69i Corinthians 2:15; 4:3*
7^1 Corinthians 2:16.
71% Corinthians 3:1.
69
Pythagoras called his elementary students "babes’ * and the
advanced "mature."72 The figure of "milk" and "solid
food" is also familiar. Writers like Philo and Epictetus
I used these words as representative of elementary and ad-
Ivanced instruction.73 Paul states that the factional
I spirit indicates that the Corinthians are operating as
"ordinary" men.74 it appears that Paul is minimizing any
I actual conflict between Apollos and himself;75 perhaps he
is attempting to heal any real breach between them by this
statement of their equality!
In the second section, I Corinthians 3:9-15» Paul
changes metaphors so fast that it is only with difficulty
that one can follow him. He claims to be a skilled master-
! builder, the one who has done the foundational work, and
I all others must take care how they build upon his founda-
i
i
: tion. For the moment he has turned from the party spirit
; to the teachers, which might suggest that some lack of
I
1 communication did exist in that area. He is "kind" to
; these teachers, suggesting that one who means to do well,
I
i but whose work will not stand the test, may himself barely
I be saved.76 Paul concludes this section by stating that
72|y[offatt, 22* cit., p. 36
73ibid.
74i Corinthians 3:3.
75% Corinthians 3:4-8.
2Èl_Gorinthian8._3.:_l5_._____
70
Christians are the true temple of God, and that desecration
of that temple will be a capital crime avenged by God*
In the third section, I Corinthians 3:10-23, Paul
again refutes the Apollos faction. He uses the word
"craftiness^* which Implies that he feels the Corinthians
to be seriously endangered by this "wisdom propaganda.
The indefinite "any one" of I Corinthians 3:18 appears to
be definitely aimed at the Apollos faction. However, he
again places himself in the context of equality with
Apollos and Cephas, and presents the amazing wealth given
to the Corinthian Christians as heirs of Christ and God.78
The fourth chapter of I Corinthians appears to con
tinue in the direction of requirements for religious
teachers,79 but suddenly swerves into a repudiation of
Paul*s self-styled inquisitors.80 The word "trustworthy"
was usually used to describe a trusted slave who managed
an estate or household.81 This apparently was Paul’s
concept of his own work, a trusted slave of God entrusted
to manage God’s Corinthian household I
77i Corinthians 3:19.
78% Corinthians 3:21-23.
79% Corinthians 1-2.
8^1 Corinthians 1(.:3-21.
8lMoffatt, o£. cit., p.
71
Paul’s sudden swerve to repudiation of his inquisi
tors minimizes their capacity to "judge," "cross-examine,"
his trust worthiness, 82 jn fact, he states that he is not
capable of pronouncing judgment upon himself in any abso
lute sense. There is a day coming when the Lord shall
pronounce judgment, based upon the hidden purposes of men’s
hearts.83
I An extremely important passage occurs in I Corin-
Î
j thians I 4 . 2 6 :
I I have applied all this to myself and Apollos for
i your benefit, brethren, that you may learn by us to
live according to scripture, that none of you may be
I puffed up in favor of one against another.
I These words have been used to indicate a lack of strife
jbetween the followers of Paul and Apollos, It has been
suggested that they represent Paul’s use of a literary
device, and that he has been giving general instruction
to the c h u r c h . 8^ This suggestion appears weak in the light
of Paul’s pointed and prolonged analysis and refutation of
I a philosophical variety of Christianity. The examination
I of I Corinthians 1 - should lead to a recognition of a
'real, not literary, Apollos factionl It appears that Paul
I 82J Corinthians 1^:3.
j 83J Corinthians
i 8i4-b^ Pherigo, "Rival Leadership in Corinth," The
jJournal of Bible and Religion, XIX (October, 1951)9
; p. 198,
i
72
is actually removing whatever vagueness that remains as to
the real point of factionl It is as if he might say,
"Are you followers of Apollos getting the point? What I
have been saying is for youlf
The next section, I Corinthians 1|.:7-13, is an
emotional outburst which employs both sarcasm and pathos,
Paul contrasts the "boasting pride of the rich kings of
philosophy"85 at Corinth to the pain and hardship of his
own life. They were saying "I am rich, I am well off, I
lack nothing," in the ease of their living rooms, Paul
i j
I was in the middle of it, like a gladiator fighting with j
{wild beasts, hungry, thirsty, ill-clad, buffeted, home- |
I less, working day and night, reviled, persecuted, j
j i
jSlfiuidered, the refuse of the world, but blessing, enduring,!
and conciliating for the sake of C h r i s t ,86 |
: i
^ In the next section, I Corinthians i 1 . 2ll4 .-2i, Paul |
i i
emphasizes his fatherhood to the Corinthians, contrasting j
it with other teachers, who are but guides. He is sending |
his faithful son, Timothy, to remind the Corinthians of j
"ways in Christ." However, Paul wishes to clarify that |
his sending of a substitute is not from fear of his |
I
"arrogant" critics. He will soon come himself and face |
85l Corinthians 1 4 . 27-8,
88j Corinthians I 4. 29-I3.
13
these "arrogant people" whose religion consists in
"talk."87
I
i
III CorlntMana 10 - 13; 10
The literary possibilities, especially relating to
the unity of II Corinthians, have already been presented;
also the possibility that II Corinthians 10 - 13:10 is a
fragment of the "bitter" letter mentioned in II Corin
thians 2:ij. and 7s0«
Strachan suggests that the opponents of Paul in
II Corinthians 10:1 - 13:10 are a group of Diaspora Jews,
i converts to Christianity, with affinities to Alexandrian
!Judaisml^G if il Corinthians 10:1 - 13:10 could definitely
I
I be established as a fragment of Paul’s letter written at
I
the height of the factional controversy, Strachan’s sug- j
; gestion would appear as a near certainty. Such definite, j
jâ postiori, establishment is at the present time impossible}.
I However, available evidence points in the direction of
this section being a fragment of Paul’s crisis correspond-
I
enee.
' The first part of this section, II Corinthians
10:1-6, is a declaration of war! The language employed is
871 Corinthians 1 ; . : 18-20.
88r. H. Strachan, The Second Epistle of Paul to the
Corinthians (Hew York: Harper and Brothers, 1939)»
p. xxlv.
7 1 4 -
strongly colored by the military. It is the confident cry
of the experienced fighter; one who was able to deal with
Peter to the face at Antioch;^9 one who had successfully
faced the Jerusalem Council.90 Paul states that he has
"weapons of warfare" powerful enough to "destroy strong
holds," even the strongholds of "every proud argument" and
"obstacle" to the gospel.91 He will punish, court-martial,
anyone who remains insubordinate.92
He next presents some "authorized boasting,"
iII Corinthians 10:7-18. Paul continues to emphasize his
!
I authority, stating that he is not in the least inferior
I
j to this "self-commending" group regardless of their dis-
! paraging remarks.
i
I It is possible that one individual had been the
I main spirit in undermining Paul:
I
I But if anyone has caused pain, he has caused it
! not to me, but in some measure— not to put it too
I severely--to you all. For such a one this punishment
i by the majority is enough; so you should rather turn
I to forgive and comfort him, or he may be overwhelmed
I by excessive sorrow. So I beg you to reaffirm your
I love for him. For this is why I wrote, that I might
I test you and know whether you are obedient in every-
i thing. Any one whom you forgive, I also forgive.
Galatians 2:11-1 1 4. ,
9%alatians 2:6-10.
91ll Corinthians 10:14.-5.
rachan, cit., pp. 11-12.
75
What I have forgiven, if I have forgiven anything, has
been for your sake in the presence of Christ, to keep
Satan from gaining the advantage over us; for we are
not ignorant of his designs.93
It is not certain if this man had been in the battle with
the initial factions. He may have been an "able" late
arrival in disparaging Paul or he may have been on the
field of battle from the beginning of the Corinthian situ
ation, but had grown more bold by the apparent victory
I represented by the painful visit of II Corinthians 2:1.
I
I It is also possible that this man was the leading repre-
!
jsentative of the Apollos faction; the argument of Paul’s
i opponent in II Corinthians 10:7-10 has echoes of his
critic’s message in I Corinthians 2:1-5.
! Paul continues, in chapter eleven, to use irony in
his refutation of these men who preach "another Jesus,"9^
!
1
I He again states that he has knowledge par excellence of
i the Christian gospel and can deal with these "superlative
I apostles."95 He presents the real reason that he has
I worked among them without fee: to reveal the selfishness
I
I of those who claimed to be working on the same terms as
' he— these "false apostles," ’ deceitful workmen," who are
i more like Satan than C h r i s t.98
93ii Corinthians 11:5-11.
9^11 Corinthians 11:1 4 - .
9 5 g t r a c h a n , o ^ . c i t . , p . 1 8 .
jAlI Corinthians 11:12-15•
76
Paul’s sarcastic contrast of himself with the
philosophical group is masterfully presented. He, too, is
a "fool" who must boast with these great ones who assume
absolute authority, "who prey upon you, who take advantage
of you, who put on airs, who strike you in the f a c e . " 9 7
Paul is ashamed that he has not been equal to these
superior o n e s . 9 8
I Paul next presents the marks of his apostleship.
1
I These marks comprise a record far longer than that of his
I opponents. This record is a declaration of Paul’s quali-
Ifications for his work. He is "boasting" when he lists
}these sufferings; he produces his birth certificate and
I
ihis service record— far greater labors, far more imprison-
j
j ment8, countless beatings unto death, five times the ob
ject of thirty-nine lashes, three times beaten with rods, |
; I
; once stoned— these are just a part of an experience which |
; I
I has endured every kind of danger, hardship and sufferingl99!
! , i
Yet these are not safe grounds for boasting. He states
i
' that the true foundation of human strength is to realize
j its weakness. This realization of weakness in actual
expression is safer ground for boasting— such a thing as
97ii C o r i n t h i a n s 11:20.
9 8 g t r a c h a n , c i t . , p . 25.
9 9 i i C o r i n t h i a n s 11:22-29.
77
an undignified exit, through a window in a basketI But he
will return to human boasting, and list visions and reve
lations from Christ; these have been so exalted emd supe
rior that he may not repeat them.^^0 However, Paul states
that God again emphasized that true strength is in the
framework of weakness-r-an annoying experience, the thorn
in the flesh, was not only given by God, but permitted to
remain to teach Paul that God’s "power is made perfect in
weakness."
I Paul admits that all this "boasting" had been in
I
I the role of a fool, but that the blindness of the Corln-
; thians had forced him into the role. Even though he is
jnothing he is not inferior to these superlative apostles,
I these proud "arm-chair" generals of philosophy, except
: that he would not "burden" the Corinthians for support. !
i I
I For this inferiority he is sorry, "forgive me this wrong.
: Paul’s supreme desire is "you not yours." This
i
! desire is illustrated and emphasized by the figure of
'children and parents; parents are responsible in supporting
I their children, and he will therefore "spend and be spent"
I for the Corinthians. He also presents the work of his
Corinthians 12:l-i|..
Corinthians 12:7-10.
Corinthians 12:11-13.
78
associates as being consistent with this p r i n c i p l e ,^^3
Paul finishes the letter with final warnings and
admonitions. He pleads that the Corinthians "test" them
selves rather than him. He is willing to be a failure if
they are right; he is willing to be weak if they are strong
in the Lord,
He has been "severe" in the use of authority in
written word that the Corinthians might be built up, and
1
j that he might not be forced to exercise authority in per
son.
j Summary, It appears that the problem of I Corin
thians 1 - 1 | . parallels the problem of II Corinthians 10:1 -
i
i 13:10. The evidence points to the same "undermining" of
I
Paul in the context of his "inferior" gospel. Strachan*s
j suggestion that Paul’s opponents in II Corinthians 10:1 -
13:10 were Diaspora Jews, converts to Christianity, with
'affinities to Alexandrian Judaism, appears to border on
I near certainty,
! I Corinthians 15
This chapter presents the centrality of the resur
rection of Jesus as an integral part of the gospel and
1 0 3
II Corinthians 12:114.-18
79
even lists the "eye witness" accounts which include
Paul. The Apollos party may have figured in a primary
manner in the problems occasioning this section. It ap
pears that some very enlightened people with affinities
to Alexandrian thought were making Christ a divine "wis
dom" and teaching that there was no resurrection, ^*^5 paul
uses such words as "futile" and "foolish" in describing
those who do not believe in the resurrection,^^8 ge also
uses such expressions as preaching in "vain," faith in
"vain," "misrepresenting God," "men most to be pitied," if
there is no resurrection.This problem concerning the
resurrection also provides an opportunity for Paul to pre
sent his own apostolic authority. He uses a phrase, per
haps flung at him by his critics in describing Christ’s
resurrection appearance to himself: "Last of all, as to
one untimely born, he appeared also to me."^^8 The phrase
that Paul’s critics had probably used to describe his
apostleship, "one untimely born," might be translated
"abortion" of an apostle.
lOi^j Corinthians 15:3-11.
^^^I Corinthians 15:12.
i^^^I Corinthians 15:17, 36.
^87i Corinthians 15:1^-15, 19.
^^8% Corinthians 15:8.
8 0
The remainder of the chapter is interesting; it is
a sustained presentation of the resurrection witn ques
tionable quotations from Scripture and numerous illustra
tions from agriculture, animal life, including birds and
fish, and astronomy.^^9 would appear that such a sec
tion might be occasioned by a party faction with affinities
to Alexandrian thought. Philo was much too Greek to be
interested in a resurrection; his following of Plato on
this subject has been previously presented in this
thesis.
The lack of emphasis of the resurrection and
eschatologieal salvation might identify it as an Alexan
drian document. If Apollos failed to stress the resurrec
tion in Corinth, we should have sufficient cause for a
controversy with Paul. This would also strengthen a major
premise of this thesis, namely, that a Paul-Apollos contro
versy is foundational to an understanding of the literaturej
It should be noted, in this connection, that Hebrews makes ^
no point of the resurrection. This is one of the notable
differences between Paul and Hebrews. This lack of
interest in the resurrection, on the part of the author of
Hebrews, is due to his Greek philosophical presuppositions.
Corlnthlana 15:25, 27, 37-%l, 42, 47, 54, 55.
^^^Sapra, p. 10.
— -
If this teaching had invaded the Corinthian churcn, it is
easy to understand Paul’s agitation as expressed in
I Corinthians 15. For Paul, the concept of resurrection
was central to his gospel; to deny it would be equivalent
/
to a denial of the gospel itself.
CHAPTER VI
CONCLUSIONS
Tills thesis has bo©n a study of the party problem
of the Corinthian churcn. It has attempted to view this
problem in the context of the Graeco-Roman world. The
study should prove valuable in that it sheds light on the
history and conflicts of a significant group, the early
Christian Church. The introductory chapter cites the
apparent factions in the Corinthian church— Paul, Apollos,
i
I * 1
I Cephas, and Christ.
Chapter II attempted to give the setting, back
ground, and content of religion in the significant area of
Hellenistic Judaism; it is especially significant in that
Alexandria is the stated antecedent of ApollosThis
chapter also attempted to present the dominant features of
the complex religion of Philo Judaeus in its blending of
Gree^ philosophy and Hebrew scripture. One of these
features was the allegorical method of the interpretation
of scripture, that is, that each verse has a dual meaning,
literal and spiritual. It is in this spiritual meaning
that Philo employs Greek philosophy, especially the
^I Corinthians 1:10-12.
^Acts 18:24.
83
philosophy of Plato.
Chapter III presented Hebrews as an Alexandrian-
type document. This is an extremely controversial book,
but its Greek foundations appear certain. The suggestion
was made that Apollos could have been the author of
Hebrews; however, positive identification of authorship
remains one of the mysteries of the book. Affinities to
Philo were listed and discussed. The content and form of
the book were examined for the sake of identification and
clarity— Christianity in Hebrews is presented as the
I supreme revelation of God, and the supreme access to God
and much allegorical interpretation is employed to indi
cate this superiority. This is an absence of eschatologi-
Ical salvation and resurrection which is also similar to
I
I Philo.
Î Chapter IV dealt with the religion of Paul. It
! I
I was presented at this particular location to indicate the
i j
I contrast between Paul and the author of Hebrews. Paul was |
i
a Jew of the dispersion and had also been influenced by |
Greek thought, but he remained more Jewish than the author |
of Hebrews. |
Chapter V presented a brief historical account of |
i
the city of Corinth, and then of the history of the local i
church. A brief examination of the literary problems of
I the Corinthian correspondence was then presented, in which I
I the correspondence was cited as having been most
r ^ '.....^ — - — .
I consistently accepted as Pauline. An outline preview of
I
Paul’s association with the Corinthian church was listed
to aid in a "whole view" of the problem of this study.
The available history on Apollos was next cited to facili
tate a better understanding of his work in Corinth in the
context of the stated factions. The factions of the
Corinthian church were then presented and analyzed in two
main sections, I Gorinthisins 1 - I | . emd II Corinthians 10 -
13: 10.
The conclusion is that the evidence presented
magnifies the centrality of a Paul-Apollos faction in the
I Corinthian church. The continuing language of Paul is
j directed against a speculative, philosophical religion,
I one whose main emphasis was on wisdom and "wisdom of
I words." Paul refutes both the content and manner of pre-
I sentation of such a message by stating that it robs the
I g
! cross of Christ of its meaning and force.^ Paul further
I
states that the highest wisdom for man is not intellectual
knowledge, but real life, only possessed and experienced
in personal fellowship with Jesus Christ. Wisdom is
defined in terms of religious experience not rhetoric.^
Paul’s opponents claim to be mature, teleios, those who
^Moffatt, 0£. cit., p. l i | .
^I Corinthians 2:1-5.
'85
were initiated and had inward knowledge of deity.5 This
was a thought expressed by Philo. Paul claims to have
the very mind of Christ in the gospel, and this places
the Apollos faction in the uncomfortable position of trying
to instruct Christ.^ Paul’s evaluation of his superlative
opponents is not "mature" but "babes."7 He minimizes any
real conflict between Apollos and himself, 8 but then
proceeds to warn carefully any teacher who builds upon his
work.9 He suddenly turns to a repudiation of his inquisi
tors; they are not qualified to pass judgment on his
i
I work.^^ He completes this section by a repudiation of
j the "rich kings of philosophy" at Corinth, employing both
I sarcasm and pathos. They are "drawing room" generals; he
I is like the gladiator in the middle of the fight of the
i Î
: gospel. All other leaders are teachers or guides; he is |
I !
I their spiritual father.
I The literary possibilities of II Corinthians 10:1 - j
I !
i 13:10 have been cited. It appears that Strachan’s |
^Robertson, o£. cit., p. 35-
^i Corinthians 2:16.
7I Corinthians 3:1.
8j Corinthians 3:4-8.
^I Corinthians 3:10-11.
^^I Corinthians 4:3-
66"
evaluation of this section is in harmony with the context;
his thesis is that the opponents of Paul are Diaspora Jews,
converts to Christianity, with affinities to Alexandrian
Judaism. Paul’s method of refutation of these opponents
certainly moves in the direction cited by Strachan. The
language of refutation is military; Paul, the experienced
j fighter, who has dealt with Peter and the Jerusalem
! council, is able to deal with the "proud arguments" of his
jpresent opponents. The argument of Paul’s opponent in
I II Corinthians 2:7-10 has echoes of I Corinthians 2:1-5;
I it is an argument which emphasizes the inferiority of Paul.
; These opponents in II Corinthians 10 - 13:10 are "superla-
! tive apostles," and they have forced Paul to play the fool
I and "out-boast" them.He then lists his impressive
"service record" far more extensive thsui his opponents.
; These opponents appear to be the same group represented in
! I Corinthians 1-4-
!
In view of the evidence, it is reasonable to con-
: elude that the central problem of the Corinthian party j
! problem was a Paul-Apollos factional dispute; also that |
the Apollos faction represented an Alexandrian variety of
religion emphasizing wisdom, philosophy, and allegorical !
^^Strachan, cit., p. xxiv.
^^11 Corinthians 11:16 - 12:10.
87
interpretation of scripture. This faction openly resisted
Paul’s authority and openly scorned his gospel as being
inferior. Paul’s method and content in refuting this
faction is examined in two main sections, I Corinthians 1 •
4 and II Corinthians 10 - 13:10. Paul’s refutation was
13
apparently successful.
^3ii Corinthians 7:6-16
BIBLIOGRAPHY
A. BOOKS
Angus, Samuel. The Mystery Religions and Christianity.
I New York: Charles Scribner*s Sons, Ï925-
I Barnett, Albert E. The New Testament its Making and Mean-
I ing. New York: Abingdon-Cokesbury % ess, 1945•
I
I Burton, Ernest D. The Epistle of Paul to the Galatians.
New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 192*57”
Cadbury, H. J. The Making of Luke-Acts. New York:
Macmillan, I9Z7.
Deissmann, Adolph. Paul, A Study in Social and Religious
History. London: Hodder and Stoughton, I9É6.
Derwacter, P. M. Preparing the Way For Paul. New York
Macmillan, 1935.
Goodenough, E. R. An Introduction to Philo Judaeus. New
Haven: Yale University i^ress, 1*540.
By Light, Light. New Haven: Yale University
Press ,”^93
Halzner, J. Paul of Tarsus. St. Louis, Missouri: Herder
Book Company, *19457
Knox, John. Chapters In a Life of Paul. New York:
Abingdon-Coke 8 bur y * ”Fr es s, 195^.
Manson, William. The Epistle to the Hebrews. London:
Hodder and Stoughton, 1951.
Meyer, H. A. W. Critical and Exegetical Handbook to the
Epistles to the Corinthians. New York: Punk, *1884.
Moffatt, James. A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on
Hebrews. Edinburg: T. and T. Clark, 1921)7
_______. The First Epistle of Paul to the Corinthians.
New York: Harp©r and Brothers, 1938.
Parsons, Ernest W. The Religion of the New Testament.
New York: Harper and Brothers, 1939.
90
Plummer, A. A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the
Second SpTstle of St. ‘ Paul to the Corinthians. The
International cFItical Commentary, Vol. 44,'Tp‘ t. 1.
New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1915.
I Riddle, Donald W. Paul Man of Conflict. Nashville:
' Cokesbury Press, Ï945.
Robertson, A. First Epistle of St. Paul to the Corin-
thians. New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, Ï9I1.
Strachan, R, H. The Second Epistle of Paul to the Corin
thians. New York: Harper and Brothers, T939.
B. JOURNALS
Pherigo, L. "Rival Leadership at Corinth," The Journal of
Bible and Religion, XIX (October, 1951),~l98-i99.
Ctaiversity of Southern Califowi3^

Linked assets

University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses

Conceptually similar

PDF

Solutions of the problem of evil attempted by various systems of religion

PDF

The problem of standardising the evangelistic program and training of the Bible women of Burma

PDF

The problem of communication in preaching

PDF

The arguments for personalism and the effects of personalism upon certain problems of philosophy

PDF

The meaning of Honen's Nembutsu as religious manifestation of Buddhahood

PDF

A study of the recreational programs of the churches in the Wilshire district of Los Angeles

PDF

The aims, methods, and results of the Church Loyalty Crusade in the city of Los Angeles

PDF

The influence of the League of Schmalkald on the Protestant Reformation

PDF

An historical study of the Augsburg Confession as an influence on the creeds of certain Protestant churches

PDF

Leibniz's doctrine of substance in the light of contemporary philosophy

PDF

A study of the Christian Citizenship Program in certain churches in Southwest Los Angeles

PDF

The mediation of Christ's authority to the church with special reference to P. T. Forsyth and Dietrich Bonhoeffer

PDF

Urbanization and its effect upon the membership rates of the Protestant inner city church

PDF

The economic background of the Reformation in Germany

PDF

A Jungian interpretation of Juju-Shin, or, The ten stages of mind in Shingon Buddhism

PDF

An interview study of counseling done by ministers of Methodist churches in the state of New Mexico

PDF

The development of the Baptist principle of liberty of conscience in the seventeenth century

PDF

An interview-questionnaire investigation into the therapeutic value of pulpit communication

PDF

A social study of the Japanese Shinto and Buddhism in Los Angeles

PDF

Concepts of the church

Asset Metadata

Creator Atchley, Euel (author)

Core Title The party problem of the Corinthian church

Contributor Digitized by ProQuest (provenance)

Degree Master of Arts

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag OAI-PMH Harvest,philosophy, religion and theology

Format application/pdf (imt)

Language English

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-c39-373602

Unique identifier UC11313087

Identifier EP65279.pdf (filename),usctheses-c39-373602 (legacy record id)

Legacy Identifier EP65279.pdf

Dmrecord 373602

Document Type Thesis

Format application/pdf (imt)

Rights Atchley, Euel

Type texts

Source University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Access Conditions The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the au...

Repository Name University of Southern California Digital Library

Repository Location USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus, Los Angeles, California 90089, USA